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假设某期货交易所截至2007年第1季度末，已缴纳的期货投资者保障基金总额为7.9亿元，该期货交易所2007年第1季度向期货公司会员收取的交易手续费为3000万元，那么： 根据《期货投资者保障基金管理暂行办法》，该期货交易所（）。
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A field is simply a social system of relations between individuals or institutions who are competing for the same stake. An example of a field may be higher education, colleges, and universities. Habitus is a set of potential dispositions, an internalized set of taken-for-granted rules that govern strategies, and social practices that individuals in some respects carry with them into any field. There is a system of unspoken rules and generally unspeakable rules. They are unspeakable because it is understood that it would be rude or socially punishable to try to talk about those rules. Or, in some cases individuals within a habitus cannot even articulate those arbitrary rules because they are unaware of them. That is, these rules may feel so natural and normalized that they seem as though they are the way things should be and always have been. An example of an unspeakable rule might be that a person should never discuss class privilege, as opposed to hard work, as contributing to the success of an individual when talking about the accomplishments of the middle class within a middle-class field. However, within a working-class field of manual laborers, this may not be a forbidden topic of discussion. Judith Butler outlined a feminist theory of embodied practice in identity formation. She stated that our sense of identities is formed through repeated daily and everyday constrained and emancipatory performative practices through our bodies. Through the process of repeated performances, ways of being in the world become sedimented, that is layered and accumulated to the extent that these practices become a part of who we are and how we perceive ourselves to be in the world. Butler’s insights about performativity, the body, and identity are particularly informative of working-class identity formations that are literally embodied within the physical capacity to do manual labor. Butler’s notion of performative identity gives me insight into my own identity development and the discomforts and constraints I have felt within academia, where the mind is privileged over the body in ways that almost obliterate the body. At the same time, the ideology of mind over body seems hypocritical when one examines the class distinctions made through the embedded middle-class practices, in short, the habitus, of the majority of university professors. Many first-generation college students in my classes, especially those who are from working-class backgrounds, report shock, dismay, and anger at the level of classism and racism that exists among faculty, whom they assumed to be educated and to value egalitarian principles. Many students express their frustration at not knowing the habitus of the middle class, yet feel its exclusionary, embodied power. They express even more frustration that the middle class also seems unaware of its own unspoken rules and habitus. Though they can start a conversation about race, they don’t know how to talk about class in a meaningful way, one that helps their fellow students to understand the naturalized class distinctions within our culture. Class is America’s dirty little secret. In the academia people talk about class
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In a democratic society citizens are encouraged to form their own opinions on candidates for public office, taxes, constitutional amendments, environmental concerns, foreign policy, and other issues. The opinions held by any population are shaped and manipulated by several factors: individual circumstances, the mass media, special-interest groups, and opinion leaders. Wealthy people tend to think differently on social issues from poor people. Factory workers probably do not share the same views as white-collar, nonunion workers. Women employed outside their homes sometimes have perspectives different from those of full-time homemakers. In these and other ways individual status shapes one’s view of current events. The mass media, especially television, are powerful influences on the way people think and act. Government officials note how mail from the public tends to "follow the headlines. " Whatever is featured in newspapers and magazines and on television attracts enough attention that people begin to inform themselves and to express opinions. The mass media have also created larger audiences for government and a wider range of public issues than existed before. Prior to television and the national editions of newspapers, issues and candidates tended to remain localized. In Great Britain and West Germany, for example, elections to the national legislatures were usually viewed by voters as local contests. Today’s elections are seen as struggles between party leaders and programs. In the United States radio and television have been beneficial to the presidency. Since the days of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his "fireside chats," presidents have appealed directly to a national audience over the heads of Congress to advocate their programs. Special-interest groups spend vast sums annually trying to influence public opinion. Public utilities, for instance, tried to sway public opinion in favor of nuclear power plants. Opposed to them were citizens’ organizations that lobbied to halt the use of nuclear power. During the 1960s the American Medical Association conducted an unsuccessful advertising campaign designed to prevent the passage of Medicare. Opinion leaders are usually such prominent public figures as politicians, show-business personalities, and celebrity athletes. The opinions of these individuals, whether informed and intelligent or not, carry weight with some segments of the population. Some individuals, such as Nobel Prize winners, are suddenly thrust into public view by the media. By quickly reaching a large audience, their views gain a hearing and are perhaps influential in shaping views on complex issues. The passage is mainly about
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