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A field is simply a social system of relations between individuals or institutions who are competing for the same stake. An example of a field may be higher education, colleges, and universities. Habitus is a set of potential dispositions, an internalized set of taken-for-granted rules that govern strategies, and social practices that individuals in some respects carry with them into any field. There is a system of unspoken rules and generally unspeakable rules. They are unspeakable because it is understood that it would be rude or socially punishable to try to talk about those rules. Or, in some cases individuals within a habitus cannot even articulate those arbitrary rules because they are unaware of them. That is, these rules may feel so natural and normalized that they seem as though they are the way things should be and always have been. An example of an unspeakable rule might be that a person should never discuss class privilege, as opposed to hard work, as contributing to the success of an individual when talking about the accomplishments of the middle class within a middle-class field. However, within a working-class field of manual laborers, this may not be a forbidden topic of discussion. Judith Butler outlined a feminist theory of embodied practice in identity formation. She stated that our sense of identities is formed through repeated daily and everyday constrained and emancipatory performative practices through our bodies. Through the process of repeated performances, ways of being in the world become sedimented, that is layered and accumulated to the extent that these practices become a part of who we are and how we perceive ourselves to be in the world. Butler’s insights about performativity, the body, and identity are particularly informative of working-class identity formations that are literally embodied within the physical capacity to do manual labor. Butler’s notion of performative identity gives me insight into my own identity development and the discomforts and constraints I have felt within academia, where the mind is privileged over the body in ways that almost obliterate the body. At the same time, the ideology of mind over body seems hypocritical when one examines the class distinctions made through the embedded middle-class practices, in short, the habitus, of the majority of university professors. Many first-generation college students in my classes, especially those who are from working-class backgrounds, report shock, dismay, and anger at the level of classism and racism that exists among faculty, whom they assumed to be educated and to value egalitarian principles. Many students express their frustration at not knowing the habitus of the middle class, yet feel its exclusionary, embodied power. They express even more frustration that the middle class also seems unaware of its own unspoken rules and habitus. Though they can start a conversation about race, they don’t know how to talk about class in a meaningful way, one that helps their fellow students to understand the naturalized class distinctions within our culture. Class is America’s dirty little secret. In the academia people talk about class
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In a democratic society citizens are encouraged to form their own opinions on candidates for public office, taxes, constitutional amendments, environmental concerns, foreign policy, and other issues. The opinions held by any population are shaped and manipulated by several factors: individual circumstances, the mass media, special-interest groups, and opinion leaders. Wealthy people tend to think differently on social issues from poor people. Factory workers probably do not share the same views as white-collar, nonunion workers. Women employed outside their homes sometimes have perspectives different from those of full-time homemakers. In these and other ways individual status shapes one’s view of current events. The mass media, especially television, are powerful influences on the way people think and act. Government officials note how mail from the public tends to "follow the headlines. " Whatever is featured in newspapers and magazines and on television attracts enough attention that people begin to inform themselves and to express opinions. The mass media have also created larger audiences for government and a wider range of public issues than existed before. Prior to television and the national editions of newspapers, issues and candidates tended to remain localized. In Great Britain and West Germany, for example, elections to the national legislatures were usually viewed by voters as local contests. Today’s elections are seen as struggles between party leaders and programs. In the United States radio and television have been beneficial to the presidency. Since the days of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his "fireside chats," presidents have appealed directly to a national audience over the heads of Congress to advocate their programs. Special-interest groups spend vast sums annually trying to influence public opinion. Public utilities, for instance, tried to sway public opinion in favor of nuclear power plants. Opposed to them were citizens’ organizations that lobbied to halt the use of nuclear power. During the 1960s the American Medical Association conducted an unsuccessful advertising campaign designed to prevent the passage of Medicare. Opinion leaders are usually such prominent public figures as politicians, show-business personalities, and celebrity athletes. The opinions of these individuals, whether informed and intelligent or not, carry weight with some segments of the population. Some individuals, such as Nobel Prize winners, are suddenly thrust into public view by the media. By quickly reaching a large audience, their views gain a hearing and are perhaps influential in shaping views on complex issues. The passage is mainly about
Thanks to the rise of social media, news is no longer gathered exclusively by reporters and turned into a story but emerges from an ecosystem in which journalists, sources, readers and viewers exchange information. The change began around 1999, when blogging tools first became widely available, says Jay Rosen, professor of journalism at New York University. The result was "the shift of the tools of production to the people formerly known as the audience," he says.(41) ______.At first many news organisations were openly hostile towards these new tools. In America the high point of the antagonism between bloggers and the mainstream media was in late 2004, when "60 Minutes", an evening news show on CBS, alleged on the basis of leaked memos that George Bush junior had used family connections to win favourable treatment in the Air National Guard in the 1970s. (42) ______ CBS retracted the story and Dan Rather, one of the most respected names in American news, resigned as the show’s anchor in early 2005.(43) ______ Newspapers and news channels have since launched blogs of their own, hired many bloggers and allowed readers to leave comments. They also invite pictures, video and other contributions from readers and seek out material published on the Internet, thus incorporating non-journalists into the news system.(44) ______ "We see these things as being highly complementary to what we do," says Martin Nisenholtz of the New York Times. Many journalists who were dismissive about social media have changed their tune in the past few months as their value became apparent in the coverage of the Arab uprisings and the Japanese earthquake, says Liz Heron, social-media editor at the New York Times.Rather than thinking of themselves as setting the agenda and managing the conversation, news organisations need to recognise that journalism is now just part of a conversation that is going on anyway, argues Jeff Jarvis, a media guru at the City University of New York. (45) ______. All this requires journalists to admit that they do not have a monopoly on wisdom. "Ten years ago that was a terribly threatening idea, and it still is to some people," says the Guardian’s Alan Rusbridger. "But in the real world the aggregate of what people know is going to be, in most cases, more than we know inside the building. "[A] Journalists are becoming more inclined to see blogs, Facebook, Twitter and other forms of social media as a valuable adjunct to traditional media (and sometimes a corrective to them).[B] The role of journalists in this new world is to add value to the conversation by providing reporting, context, analysis, verification and debunking, and by making available tools and platforms that allow people to participate.[C] By providing more raw material than ever from which to distil the news, social media have both done away with editors and shown up the need for them.[D] This was followed by a further shift: the rise of "horizontal media" that made it quick and easy for anyone to share links (via Facebook or Twitter, for example) with large numbers of people without the involvement of a traditional media organisation. In other words, people can collectively act as a broadcast network.[E] With a single click of a Facebook "Like" button, for example, you can recommend a story, video or slideshow to your entire network of friends.[F] Bloggers immediately questioned the authenticity of the memos. A former CBS News executive derided blogging as "a guy sitting in his living room in his pyjamas writing what he thinks". But the bloggers were right.[G] But in the past few years mainstream media organisations have changed their attitude. The success of the Huffington Post (博客网站), which launched in May 2005 with a combination of original reporting by members of staff, blog posts from volunteers (including many celebrity friends of Arianna Huffington’s, the site’s co-founder) and links to news stories on other sites, showed the appeal of what Ms Huffington calls a "hybrid" approach that melds old and new, professional and amateur. 43
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