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Text 4When they were children, Terri Schiavo’s brother Bobby accidentally locked her in a suitcase. She tried so hard to get out of the suitcase that she jumped up and down and screamed. The scene predicted, horribly, how she would end, though by that stage she had neither walked nor talked for more than 15 years. By the time she finally died on March 31st, her body had become a box out of which she could not escape. More than that, it had become a box out of which the United States government, Congress, the president, the governor of Florida and an army of evangelical protestors and bloggers would not let her escape. Her life, whatever its quality, became the property not merely of her husband (who had the legal right to speak for her) and her parents (who had brought her up), but of the courts, the state, and thousands of self-appointed medical and psychological experts across the country. The chief difference between her case and those of Karen Quinlan and Nancy Cruzan, much earlier victims of Persistent Vegetative State (PVS), was the existence of the internet. When posted videotapes showed Mrs Schiavo apparently smiling and communicating with those around her, doctors called these mere reflex activity, but to the layman they seemed to reveal a human being who should not be killed. On March 20th, a CAT scan of Mrs Schiavo’s brain — the grey matter of the cerebral cortex more or less gone, replaced by cerebrospinal fluid — was posted on a blog. By March 29th, it had brought 390 passionate and warring responses. All this outside interference could only exacerbate the real, cruel dilemmas of the case. After a heart attack in February 1990, when she was 26, Mrs Schiavo’s brain was deprived of oxygen for five minutes and irreparably damaged. For a while, her family hoped she might be rehabilitated. Her husband Michael bought her new clothes and wheeled her round art galleries, in case her brain could respond. By 1993, he was sure it could not, and when she caught an infection he did not want her treated. Her parents disagreed, and claimed she could recover. From that point the family split, and litigation started. Each side, backed by legions of supporters, accused the other of money-grubbing and bad faith. A Florida court twice ordered Mrs Schiavo’s feeding tube to be removed and Jeb Bush, the governor of Florida, overruled it. The final removal of the tube, on March 18th, was followed by an extraordinary scene, in the early hours of March 21st, when George Bush signed into law a bill allowing Mrs Schiavo’s parents to appeal yet again to a federal court. But by then the courts, and two-thirds of Americans, thought that enough was enough. On March 24th the Supreme Court declined to hear the case. The first paragraph implies that ______.
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Text 2Every spring migrating salmon return to British Columbia’s rivers to spawn. And every spring new reports detail fresh disasters that befall them. This year is no different. The fisheries committee of Canada’ s House of Commons and a former chief justice of British Columbia, Bryan Williams, have just examined separately why 1. 3 m sockeye salmon mysteriously "disappeared" from the famed Fraser river fishery in 2004. Their conclusions point to a politically explosive conflict between the survival of salmon and the rights of First Nations, as Canadians call Indians. In 2004, only about 524,000 salmon are thought to have returned to the spawning grounds, barely more than a quarter the number who made it four years earlier. High water temperatures may have killed many. The House of Commons also lambasted the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) for poor scientific data, and for failing to enforce catch levels. Four similar reports since 1992 have called for the department’s reform. In vain. its senior officials are "in denial" about its failings, said the committee. Mr Williams’ report added a more shocking twist. He concluded that illegal fishing on the Fraser river is "rampant and out of control", with "no-go" zones where fisheries of ricers are told not to confront Indian poachers for fear of violence. The judge complained that the DFO withheld a report by one of its investigators which detailed extensive poaching and sale of salmon by members of the Cheam First Nation, some of whom were armed. Some First Nations claim an unrestricted right to fish and sell their catch. Canada’s constitution acknowledges the aboriginal right to fish for food and for social and ceremonial needs, but not a general commercial right. On the Fraser, however, the DFO has granted Indians a special commercial fishery. To some Indians, even that is not enough. Both reports called for more funds for the DFO, to improve data collection and enforcement. They also recommended returning to a single legal regime for commercial fishing applying to all Canadians. On April 14th, Geoff Regan, the federal fisheries minister, responded to two previous reports from a year ago. One, from a First Nations group, suggested giving natives a rising share of the catch. The other proposed a new quota system for fishing licenses, and the conclusion of long-standing talks on treaties, including fishing rights, with First Nations. Mr Regan said his department would spend this year consulting "stakeholders" (natives, commercial and sport fishermen). It will also launch pilot projects aimed at improving conservation, enforcement and First Nations’ access to fisheries. The best title for the passage may be ______.
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