题目内容
What can be said of the normal process of aging, from a linguistic point of view In general (1)_____, there is a clear and (2)_____ relationship: no-one would have much difficulty (3)_____ a baby, a young child, a teenager, a middle-aged person, or a very old person from a tape recording. With children, (4)_____ is possible for specialists in language development, and people experienced (5)_____ child care, to make very detailed (6)_____ about how language correlates with age in the early years. (7)_____ is known about the patterns of linguistic change that affect older people. It is plain that our voice quality, vocabulary, and style alter (8)_____ we grow older, but research (9)_____ the nature of these changes is in its earliest stages. However. a certain amount of (10)_____ is available about the production and (11)_____ of spoken language by very old people, especially regarding the phonetic changes that take place. Speech is (12)_____ to be affected by reductions in the (13)_____ of the vocal organs. The muscles of the chest (14), the lungs become less elastic, the ribs (15)_____ mobile: as a result, respiratory efficiency at age 75 is only about half (16)_____ at age 30, and this has (17)_____ for the ability to speak loudly, rhythmically, and with good tone In addition, speech is affected by poorer movement of the soft palate and changes in the facial skeleton, especially around the mouth and jaw. There are other, more general signs of age. Speech rate slows, and fluency may be more erratic. Hearing (18)_____, especially after the early fifties. Weakening (19)_____ of memory and attention may affect the ability to comprehend complex speech patterns. But it is (20)_____ all had news: vocabulary awareness may continue to grow, as may stylistic ability—skills in narration, for example. And grammatical ability seems to be little affected.
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Of all the truths that this generation of Americans hold self-evident, few are more deeply embedded in the national psyche than the maxim "It pays to go to collage". Since G. Bill transformed higher education in the aftermath of WWII, a college diploma, once a birthright of the leisured few, has become a lodestone for the upwardly mobile, as integral to the American dream as the pursuit of happiness itself. The numbers tell the story: In 1950s, 43% of high-school graduates went on to pursue some form of higher education; at the same time, only 6% of Americans were college graduates. But by 1992, almost 2 to out of 3 secondary-school graduates were opting for higher education—and 21% of a much larger U.S. population had college diplomas. As Prof. Herbert London of New York University told a commencement audience last June: "The college experience has gone from a rite passage to a right of passage". However, as the class of 1993 is so painfully discovering, while a college diploma remains a requisite credential for ascending the economic ladder, it no longer guarantees the good life. Rarely since the end of the Great Depression has the job outlook for college graduates appeared so bleak: of the 1.1 million students who received their baccalaureate degrees last spring, fewer than 20% had lined up full-time employment by commencement. Indeed, an uncertain job market has precipitated a wave of economic fear and trembling among the young. "Many of my classmates are absolutely terrified", says one of the fortunate few who did manage to land a permanent position. "They wonder if they"ll ever find a job". Some of this recession-induced anxiety will dissipate if a recovery finally begins to generate jobs at what economists consider a normal rate. But the sad fact is that for the foreseeable future, college graduates will be in considerable surplus, enabling employers to require a degree even for jobs for which a college education is really unnecessary. According to Kristina Shelley of the Bureau of Labor Statistics—who bases her estimate on a "moderate projection" of current trends—30 percent of college graduates entering the labor force between now and the year 2005 will be unemployed or will find employment in jobs for which they will be overqualified, joining what economists call the "educationally underutilized". Indeed, it may be quite a while—if ever—before those working temporarily as cocktail waitresses or taxi drivers will be able to pursue their primary career paths. Of course waiting on tables and bustling cab fares are respectable ways to earn a living. But they are not quite what so many young Americans—and their parents—had in mind as the end product of four expensive years in college. According to the passage, which of the following is true"
Of all the truths that this generation of Americans hold self-evident, few are more deeply embedded in the national psyche than the maxim "It pays to go to collage". Since G. Bill transformed higher education in the aftermath of WWII, a college diploma, once a birthright of the leisured few, has become a lodestone for the upwardly mobile, as integral to the American dream as the pursuit of happiness itself. The numbers tell the story: In 1950s, 43% of high-school graduates went on to pursue some form of higher education; at the same time, only 6% of Americans were college graduates. But by 1992, almost 2 to out of 3 secondary-school graduates were opting for higher education—and 21% of a much larger U.S. population had college diplomas. As Prof. Herbert London of New York University told a commencement audience last June: "The college experience has gone from a rite passage to a right of passage". However, as the class of 1993 is so painfully discovering, while a college diploma remains a requisite credential for ascending the economic ladder, it no longer guarantees the good life. Rarely since the end of the Great Depression has the job outlook for college graduates appeared so bleak: of the 1.1 million students who received their baccalaureate degrees last spring, fewer than 20% had lined up full-time employment by commencement. Indeed, an uncertain job market has precipitated a wave of economic fear and trembling among the young. "Many of my classmates are absolutely terrified", says one of the fortunate few who did manage to land a permanent position. "They wonder if they"ll ever find a job". Some of this recession-induced anxiety will dissipate if a recovery finally begins to generate jobs at what economists consider a normal rate. But the sad fact is that for the foreseeable future, college graduates will be in considerable surplus, enabling employers to require a degree even for jobs for which a college education is really unnecessary. According to Kristina Shelley of the Bureau of Labor Statistics—who bases her estimate on a "moderate projection" of current trends—30 percent of college graduates entering the labor force between now and the year 2005 will be unemployed or will find employment in jobs for which they will be overqualified, joining what economists call the "educationally underutilized". Indeed, it may be quite a while—if ever—before those working temporarily as cocktail waitresses or taxi drivers will be able to pursue their primary career paths. Of course waiting on tables and bustling cab fares are respectable ways to earn a living. But they are not quite what so many young Americans—and their parents—had in mind as the end product of four expensive years in college. The author tries to convince us that______.
If sustainable competitive advantage depends on work-force skills, American firms have a problem. Human-resource management is not traditionally seen as central to the competitive survival of the firm in the United States. Skill acquisition is considered an individual responsibility. Labor is simply another factor of production to be hired—rented at the lowest possible cost—much as one buys raw materials or equipment. The lack of importance attached to human-resource management can be seen in the corporate hierarchy. In an American firm the chief financial officer is almost always second in command. The post of head of human resource management is usually a specialized job, off at the edge of corporate hierarchy. The executive who holds it is never consulted on major strategic decisions and has no chance to move up to Chief Executive Officer (CEO). By way of contrast, in Japan the head of human-resource management is central—usually the second most important executive, after the CEO, in the firm"s hierarchy. While American firms often talk about the vast amounts spent on training their work forces, in fact they invest less in the skills of their employees than do either Japanese or German firms. The money they do invest is also more highly concentrated on professional and managerial employees. And the limited investments that are made in training workers are also much more narrowly focused on the specific skills necessary to do the next job rather than on the basic background skills that make it possible to absorb new technologies. As a result, problems emerge when new breakthrough technologies arrive. If American workers, for example, take much longer to learn how to operate new flexible manufacturing stations than workers in Germany (as they do), the effective cost of those stations is lower in Germany than it is in the United States. More time is required before equipment is up and running at capacity, and the need for extensive retraining generates costs and creates bottlenecks that limit the speed with which new equipment can be employed. The result is a slower pace of technological change. And in the end the skills of the bottom half of the population affect the wages of the top half. If the bottom half can"t effectively staff the processes that have to be operated, the management and professional jobs that go with these processes will disappear. Which of the following does not apply to the management of human resources in American companies
It is evident that there is a close connection between the capacity to use language and the capacities covered by the verb" to think". Indeed, me writers have identified thinking with using words: Plato coined the saying, "In thinking the soul is talking to itself"; J. B. Watson reduced thinking to inhibited speech located in the minute movements or tensions of the physiological mechanisms involved in speaking; and although Ryle is careful to point out that there are many senses in which a person is said to think in which words are not in evidence, he has also said that saying something in a specific frame of mind is thinking a thought. Is thinking reducible to, or dependent upon, language habits It would seem that many thinking situations are hardly distinguishable from the skilful use of language, although there are some others in which language is not involved. Thought cannot be simply identified with running language. It may be the case, of course, that the non-linguistic skills involved in thought can only be acquired and developed if the learner is able to use and understand language. However, this question is one which we cannot hope to answer in this book. Obviously being able to use language makes for a considerable development in all one"s capacities but how precisely this comes about we cannot say. At the common-sense level it appears that there is often a distinction between thought and the words we employ to communicate with other people. We often have to struggle hard to find words to capture what our thinking has already grasped, and when we do find words we sometimes feel that they fail to do their job properly. Again when we report or describe our thinking to other people we do not merely report unspoken words and sentences. Such sentences do not always occur in thinking, and when they do they axe merged with vague imagery and the hint of unconscious or subliminal activities going on just out of range. Thinking, as it happens, is more like struggling, striving, or searching for something than it is like talking or reading. Words do play their part but they are rarely the only feature of thought. This observation is supported by the experiments of the Wurzburg psychologists reported in Chapter Eight who showed that intelligent adaptive responses can occur in problem solving situations without the use of either words or images of any kind; ",Set" and "determining tendencies" operate without the actual use of language in helping us to think purposefully and intelligently. Again the Study of speech disorders due to brain injury or disease suggest that patients can think without having adequate control over their language, some patients, for example, fail to find the names of objects presented to them and are unable to describe simple events which they witness; they even find it difficult to interpret long written notices. But they succeed in playing games of chess or draughts. They can use the concepts needed for chess playing or draughts playing but are unable to use many of the concepts in ordinary language. How they manage to do this we do not know. Yet animals such as Kohler"s chimpanzees can solve problems by working out strategies such as the invention of implements or Climbing aids when such animals have not language beyond a few warning cries. Intelligent or "insightful" behavior is not dependent in the case of monkeys on language skills: presumably human beings have various capacities for thinking situations which are likewise independent of language. According to the theory of "thought" devised by J. B. Watson, thinking is______.
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