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Teachers need to be aware of the emotional, intellectual, and physical changes that young adults experience. And they also need to give serious (21) to how they can best (22) such changes. Growing bodies need movement and (23) , but not just in ways that emphasize competition. (24) they .are adjusting to their new bodies and a whole host of new intellectual and emotional challenges; teenagers are especially self-conscious and need the (25) that comes from achieving success and knowing that their accomplishments are (26) .by others. However, the typical teenage lifestyle is already filled with so much competition that it would be (27) to plan activities in which there are more winners than losers, (28) , publishing newsletters with many student-written book reviews, (29) student artwork, and sponsoring book discussion clubs. A variety of small clubs can provide (30) opportunities for leadership, as well as for practice in successful (31) dynamics. Making friends is extremely important to teenagers, and many shy students need the (32) of some kind of organization with a supportive adult (33) visible in the background.In these activities, it is important to remember that the young teenagers have (34) attention spans. A variety of activities should be organized (35) participants can remain active as long as they want and then go on to (36) else without feeling guilty and without letting the other participants (37) . This does not mean that adults must accept irresponsibility. (38) they can help students acquire a sense of commitment by (39) for roles that are within their (40) and their attention spans and by shavings clearly stated rules. 31().
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化学文摘的英文编写为
Benjamin Barber’s Fear’s Empire presents a case against the recent unilateral impulses in U. S. foreign policy. According to Barber, empire is not inherent in U.S. dominance but is, rather, a temptation—one to which the Bush administration has increasingly succumbed. In confronting terror- ism, Washington has vacillated between appealing to law and undermining it. Barber’s thesis is that by invoking a right to unilateral action, preventive war, and regime change, the United States has undermined the very framework of cooperation and law that is necessary to fight terrorist anarchy. A foreign policy oriented around the use of military force against rogue states, Barber argues, reflects a misunderstanding of the consequences of global interdependence and the character of democracy. Washington cannot run a global order driven by military action and the fear of terrorism. Simply put, American empire is not sustainable.For Barber, the logic of globalization trumps the logic of empire: the spread of Mc World under- mines imperial grand strategy. In most aspects of economic and political life, the United States depends heavily on other states. In an empire of fear, the United States attempts to order the world through force of arms. But this strategy is self-defeating: it creates hostile states bent on overturning the imperial order, not obedient junior partners.Barber proposes instead a cosmopolitan order of universal law rooted in human community: "Lex humana works for global comity within the framework of universal rights and law, conferred by multilateral political, economic, and cultural cooperation—with only as much common military action as can be authorized by common legal authority; whether in the Congress, in multilateral treaties, or through the United Nations." Terrorist threats, Barber concludes, are best confronted with a strategy of "preventive democracy"—democratic states working together to strengthen and extend liberalism.Barber’s overly idealized vision of cosmopolitan global governance is less convincing, however, than his warnings about unilateral military rule. Indeed, he provides a useful cautionary note for liberal empire enthusiasts in two respects. First, the two objectives of liberal empire—upholding the rules of the international system and unilaterally employing military power against enemies of the American order—often conflict. Second, the threats posed by terrorism and weapons of mass destruction are not enough to legitimate America’s liberal empire. During the Cold War, the United States articulated a vision of community and progress within a U. S. -lead free world, infusing the exercise of U.S. power with legitimacy. It is doubtful, however, that the war on terrorism, in which countries are either "with us or against us", has an appeal that can draw enough support to justify a U. S. -dominated order. The author writes this passage mainly to().
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For most of us, work is the central, dominating fact of life. We spend more than half our conscious hours on work, preparing for work, travelling to and from work. What we do there largely determines our standard of living and to a considerable extent the status we are accorded by our fellow citizens as well. It is sometimes said that because leisure has become more important, the indignities and injustices of work can be pushed into a corner, and that because most work is pretty intolerable, the people who do it should compensate for its boredom, frustrations and humiliations by concentrating their hopes on the other parts of their lives. I reject that as a counsel of despair. For the foresee, able future the material and psychological rewards which work can provide, and the conditions in which work can provide, and the conditions in which work is done, will continue to play a vital part in determining the satisfaction that life can offer. Yet only a small minority can control the pace at which they work or the conditions in which their work is done; only for a small minority does work offer scope for creativity, imagination, or initiative.Inequality at work is still one of the cruelest and most glaring forms of inequality in our society. We cannot hope to solve more obvious problems of industrial life, many of which arise directly or indirectly from the frustrations created by inequality at work, unless we tackle it head-on. Still less can we hope to create a decent and humane societyThe most glaring inequality is that between managers and the rest. For most managers, work is an opportunity and a challenge. Their jobs engage their interest and allow them to develop their abilities. They are constantly learning; they are able to exercise responsibility; they have a considerable degree of control over their own and others’--working lives. Most important of all, they have the opportunity to initiate. By contrast, for most manual workers, and for a growing number of white-collar workers, work is boring, monotonous, even painful experience. They spend all their working lives in conditions which would be regarded as intolerable--for themselves--by those who take the decisions which let such conditions continue. The majority has little control over their work; it provides them with no opportunity for personal development. Often production is so designed that workers are simply part of the technology. In of ices, many workers feel alienated from their work and their firm, whether it is in public or in private ownership.Rising educational standards feed rising expectations, yet the amount of control which the worker has over his. own work situation does not rise accordingly. In many cases his control has been reduced. Symptoms of protest increase--rising sickness and absenteeism, high turnover of employees, restrictions on output, and strikes, both unofficial and official. There is not much escape out and upwards. As management becomes more professional--in itself a good thing-- and managers don’t think there is close connection between production and working condition. In the writer's opinion people judge others by().
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