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Twenty-seven years ago, Egypt revised its secular constitution to enshrine Muslim sharia as "the principal source of legislation". To most citizens, most of the time, that seeming contradiction-between secularism and religion-has not made much difference. Nine in ten Egyptians are Sunni Muslims and expect Islam to govern such things as marriage, divorce and inheritance. Nearly all the rest profess Christianity or Judaism, faiths recognised and protected in Islam. But to the small minority who embrace other faiths, or who have tried to leave Islam, it has, until lately, made an increasingly troubling difference. Members of Egypt’s 2,000-strong Bahai community, for instance, have found they cannot state their religion on the national identity cards that all Egyptians are obliged to produce to secure such things as driver’s licenses, bank accounts, social insurance and state schooling. Hundreds of Coptic Christians who have converted to Islam, often to escape the Orthodox sect’s ban on divorce, find they cannot revert to their original faith. In some cases, children raised as Christians have discovered that, because a divorced parent converted to Islam, they too have become officially Muslim, and cannot claim otherwise. Such restrictions on religious freedom are not directly a product of sharia, say human- rights campaigners, but rather of rigid interpretations of Islamic law by over-zealous officials. In their strict view, Bahai belief cannot be recognised as a legitimate faith, since it arose in the 19th century, long after Islam staked its claim to be the final revelation in a chain of prophecies beginning with Adam. Likewise, they brand any attempt to leave Islam, whatever the circumstances, as a form of apostasy, punishable by death. But such views have lately been challenged. Last year Ali Gomaa, the Grand Mufti, who is the government’s highest religious adviser, declared that nowhere in Islam’s sacred texts did it say that apostasy need be punished in the present rather than by God in the afterlife. In the past month, Egyptian courts have issued two rulings that, while restricted in scope, should ease some bothersome strictures. Bahais may now leave the space for religion on their identity cards blank. Twelve former Christians won a lawsuit and may now return to their original faith, on condition that their identity documents note their previous adherence to Islam. Small steps, perhaps, but they point the way towards freedom of choice and citizenship based on equal rights rather than membership of a privileged religion. What trouble may people who are neither Muslims nor Christians nor Judaists encounter according to the text
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It is the world’s fourth-most-important food crop, after maize, wheat and rice. It provides more calories, more quickly, using less land and in a wider range of climates than any Other plant. It is, of Course, the potato. The United Nations has declared 2008 the International Year of the Potato. It hopes that greater awareness of the merits of potatoes will contribute to the achievement of its Millennium Development Goals, by helping to alleviate poverty, improve food security and promote economic development. It is always the international year of this or month of that. But the potato’s unusual history means it is well worth celebrating by readers of The Economist because the potato is intertwined with economic development, trade liberalisation and globalisation. Unlikely though it seems, the potato promoted economic development by underpinning the industrial revolution in England in the 19th century. It provided a cheap source of calories and was easy to cultivate, so it liberated workers from the land. Potatoes became popular in the north of England, as people there specialised in livestock farming and domestic industry, while farmers in the south (where the soil was more suitable ) concentrated on wheat production. By a happy accident, this concentrated industrial activity in the regions where coal was readily available, and a potato-driven population boom provided ample workers for the new factories. Friedrich Engels even declared that the potato was the equal of iron for its "historically revolutionary role". The potato promoted free trade by contributing to the abolition of Britain’s Corn Laws-the cause which prompted the founding of The Economist in 1843. The Corn Laws restricted imports of grain into the United Kingdom in order to protect domestic wheat producers. Landowners supported the laws, since cheap imported grain would reduce their income, but industrialists opposed them because imports would drive down the cost of food, allowing people to spend more on manufactured goods. Ultimately it was not the eloquence of the arguments against the Corn Laws that led to their abolition-and more’s the pity. It was the tragedy of the Irish potato famine of 1845, in which 1million Irish perished when the potato crop on which they subsisted succumbed to blight. The need to import grain to relieve the situation in Ireland forced the government, which was dominated by landowners who backed the Corn Laws, to reverse its position. This paved the way for liberalisation in other areas, and free trade became British policy. As the Duke of Wellington complained at the time, "rotten potatoes have done it all. " In the form of French fries, served alongside burgers and Coca-Cola, potatoes are now an icon of globalisation. This is quite a turnaround given the scepticism which first greeted them on their arrival in the Old World in the 16th century. Spuds were variously thought to cause leprosy, to be fit only for animals, to be associated with the devil or to be poisonous. They took hold in 18th century Europe only when war and famine meant there was nothing else to eat; people then realised just how versatile and reliable they were. As Adam Smith, one of the potato’s many admirers, observed at the time, "The very general use which is made of potatoes in these kingdoms as food for man is a convincing proof that the prejudices of a nation, with regard to diet, however deeply rooted, are by no means unconquerable. " Mashed, fried, boiled and roast, a humble tuber changed the world, and free-trading globalisers everywhere should celebrate it. Why were potatoes at last accepted by Europeans
Conversation 2M: Excuse me. I need to find out where the city center is.W: Ah well, let me see... you turn left and then go straight on.M: Ah left, thank you. Err... I wonder if you could tell me whether there’ s a museum somewhere in the city.W: Well, it’s further down the city center. You go across the bridge and it’ s on the other side of the river.M: I see. Could you tell me a bit more about itW: I’m not really sure. I’ ve never been there myself. I think it’ s quite interesting.M: Worth visiting, you thinkW: Well, it’ s one of the tourist attractions of the city.M: I see. Thank you very much. What does the woman say about the Museum（）
某公司在S市开发区拥有一块工业用地，拟在2006年7月1日通过土地使用权抵押贷款，试根据下面的资料估算该宗地于贷款日期的单位价格和总价格。 土地情况为：该土地通过征用后出让获得，当时征用时包括代征的500平方米的绿化用地在内总面积共计5500平方米。土地出让手续于2002年7月1日办理，当时获得的使用年期为50年，允许的建筑面积为6000平方米，红线外基础设施条件为“五通”(通上水、通下水、通路、通电、通信)，红线内基础设施条件为“五通一平”(通上水、通下水、通路、通电、通信、场地平整)。由于市政建设需要，该地块红线内靠近绿地有2米宽60米长的地带下埋有高压电缆，土地出让时已经按照长每米500元在出让价中扣减(该扣减数额是当地同类问题补偿标准，近几年未进行调整)。 其他有关资料。 (1)以2003年7月1日为基期，该市工业用地价格在2003年7月1日至2006年7月1日期间，平均每月上涨0.5%。 (2)该市2005年7月1日公布并执行国有土地基准地价的更新成果。基准地价的估价期日为2005年1月1日；基准地价为各类用途在法定最高出让年期，各级别土地平均容积率和平均开发程度下的土地使用权区域平均价格。 (3)根据基准地价更新成果，得知该宗地位于五级工业地价区，基准地价水平为500元/平方米，土地开发程度设定为红线外“五通”(通上水、通下水、通路、通电、通信)、红线内“场地平整”；红线内每增加一通，土地开发费平均增加10元/平方米。 (4)根据基准地价因素条件说明表和优劣度表，计算得到该宗地地价影响因素总修正幅度为5%。 (5)该市五级工业用地的平均容积率为1.0，对应的地价水平指数为100。根据容积率修正系数表，平均容积率修正系数为1.0，容积率每增高或降低0.1，均向上修正2个百分点。 (6)土地还原率为6%。 (7)基准地价系数修正法公式为：待估宗地地价＝宗地对应的基准地价×(1+影响因素修正幅度)×年期修正系数×期日修正系数×容积率修正系数+土地开发程度修正额。
甲将一批布匹(价值150万元)委托乙商行出卖，双方只约定，每米布售价为当时的市场定价20元，乙商行的报酬为售价的5%。若乙商行以海米25元的价格将布匹出售，多出的售价收益双方未能达成协议的，则该收益应归( )。
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