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1 When, in the age of automation, man searches for a worker to do the tedious, un pleasant jobs that are impossible to mechanize, he may very profitably consider the ape. If we tackled the problem of breeding for brains with as much as enthusiasm as we de vote to breeding dogs of surrealistic shapes, we could eventually produce assorted models of useful primates, ranging in size from the gorilla down to the baboon, each adapted to a special kind of work. It is not putting too much strain on the imagination to assume that ge neticists could produce a super-ape, able to understand some scores of words, and capable of being trained for such jobs as picking fruit, cleaning up the litter in parks, shining shoes, collecting garbage, doing household chores, and even baby-sitting though I have known some babies I would not care to trust with a valuable ape). Apes could do many jobs, such as cleaning streets and the more repetitive types of ag ricultural work, without supervision, though they might need protection from those ex ceptional specimens of Homo sapiens who think it amusing to tease or bully anything they consider lower on the evolutionary ladder. For other tasks, such as delivering papers and laboring on the docks, our man-ape would have to work under human overseers; and, in cidentally, I would love to see the finale of the twenty-first century version of the Water front in which the honest but hairy hero will drum on his chest after--literally taking the wicked labor leader apart. Once a supply of nonhuman workers becomes available, a whole range of low IQ jobs could be thankfully relinquished by mankind, to its great mental and physical advan tage. What is more, one of the problems which has plagued so many fictional Utopias would be avoided. There would be none of the deridingly subhuman Epsilons of Huxley’s Brave New World to act as a permanent reproach to society, for there is a profound moral difference between breeding sub-men and super-apes, though the end products are much the same. The first would introduce a form of slavery, the second would be a biological tri umph which could benefit both men and animals. The author of this article is______.
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Knowledge of microscopic anatomy was greatly expanded during the 20th century as a result of the development of microscopes that provided much greater resolution and magnification than had conventional mstruments, thus revealing formerly unclear or ______detail. (visible)
异型维管束排列成同心环状，2～4轮。此药材是
旅游团离境后，留下的游客若需要旅行社继续为其提供导游等服务，则需______。
5 Surprisingly enough, modern historians have rarely interested themselves in the history of the American South in the period before the South began to become self-con sciously and distinctively "Southern" —the decades after 1815. Consequently, the cuhural history of Britain’s North American empire in the seventeenth and eighteech centuries has been written almost as if the Southern colonies had never existed. The American culture that emerged during the Colonial and Revolutionary eras has been depicted as having been simply an extension of New England Puritan culture. However, Professor Davis has recently argued that the South stood apart from the rest of American society during this early period, following its own unique pattern of cultural development. The case for South ern distinctiveness rests upon two related premises: first, that the cultural similarities among the five Southern colonies were far more impressive than the differences, and sec ond, that what made those colonies alike also made them different from the other colo nies. The first, for which Davis offers an enormous amount of evidence, can be accepted without major reservations; the second is far more problematic. What makes the second premise problematic is the use of the Puritan colonies as a basis for comparison. Quite properly, Davis decries the excessive influence ascribed by his torians to the Puritans in the formation of American culture. Yet Davis inadvertently adds weight to such ascription by using the Puritans as the standard against which to assess the achievements and contributions of Southern colonials. Throughout, Davis focuses on the important, and undeniable, differences between the Southern and Puritan colonies in mo tives for and patterns of early settlement, in attitudes toward nature and Native Ameri cans, and in the degree of receptivity to metropolitan cultural influences. However, recent scholarship has strongly suggested that those aspects of early New England culture that seem to have been most distinctly Puritan, such as the strong reli gious orientation and the communal impulse, were not even typical of New England as a whole, but were largely confined to the two colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Thus, what in contrast to the Puritan colonies appears to Davis to be pecul iarly Southern—acquisitiveness, a strong interest in politics and the law, and a tendency to cultivate metropolitan cultural models--was not only more typically English than the cultural patterns exhibited by Puritan Massachusetts and Connecticut, but also almost cer tainly characteristic of most other early modern British colonies from Barbados north to Rhode Island and New Hampshire. Within the larger framework of American colonial life, then, not the Southern--but the Puritan colonies appear to have been distinctive, and even they seem to have been rapidly assimilating to the dominant cultural patterns by the late Colonial period. The passage suggests that by the late Colonial period the tendency to cultivate met ropolitan cultural models was a cultural pattern that was______.
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