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5 Surprisingly enough, modern historians have rarely interested themselves in the history of the American South in the period before the South began to become self-con sciously and distinctively "Southern" —the decades after 1815. Consequently, the cuhural history of Britain’s North American empire in the seventeenth and eighteech centuries has been written almost as if the Southern colonies had never existed. The American culture that emerged during the Colonial and Revolutionary eras has been depicted as having been simply an extension of New England Puritan culture. However, Professor Davis has recently argued that the South stood apart from the rest of American society during this early period, following its own unique pattern of cultural development. The case for South ern distinctiveness rests upon two related premises: first, that the cultural similarities among the five Southern colonies were far more impressive than the differences, and sec ond, that what made those colonies alike also made them different from the other colo nies. The first, for which Davis offers an enormous amount of evidence, can be accepted without major reservations; the second is far more problematic. What makes the second premise problematic is the use of the Puritan colonies as a basis for comparison. Quite properly, Davis decries the excessive influence ascribed by his torians to the Puritans in the formation of American culture. Yet Davis inadvertently adds weight to such ascription by using the Puritans as the standard against which to assess the achievements and contributions of Southern colonials. Throughout, Davis focuses on the important, and undeniable, differences between the Southern and Puritan colonies in mo tives for and patterns of early settlement, in attitudes toward nature and Native Ameri cans, and in the degree of receptivity to metropolitan cultural influences. However, recent scholarship has strongly suggested that those aspects of early New England culture that seem to have been most distinctly Puritan, such as the strong reli gious orientation and the communal impulse, were not even typical of New England as a whole, but were largely confined to the two colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Thus, what in contrast to the Puritan colonies appears to Davis to be pecul iarly Southern—acquisitiveness, a strong interest in politics and the law, and a tendency to cultivate metropolitan cultural models--was not only more typically English than the cultural patterns exhibited by Puritan Massachusetts and Connecticut, but also almost cer tainly characteristic of most other early modern British colonies from Barbados north to Rhode Island and New Hampshire. Within the larger framework of American colonial life, then, not the Southern--but the Puritan colonies appear to have been distinctive, and even they seem to have been rapidly assimilating to the dominant cultural patterns by the late Colonial period. The passage suggests that by the late Colonial period the tendency to cultivate met ropolitan cultural models was a cultural pattern that was______.
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4 The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to popula tion. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings be tween individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argu- ment. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an indi vidual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the popula tion consisted mostly of females, then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy. " Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essen tial feature of a game that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing. Since Fisher’s time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chro mosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromo some, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of fe males. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher’s argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host--the larva of another insect--and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immedi ately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strate gy. The author suggests that the work of Fisher and Hamilton was similar in that both scientists______.
1 When, in the age of automation, man searches for a worker to do the tedious, un pleasant jobs that are impossible to mechanize, he may very profitably consider the ape. If we tackled the problem of breeding for brains with as much as enthusiasm as we de vote to breeding dogs of surrealistic shapes, we could eventually produce assorted models of useful primates, ranging in size from the gorilla down to the baboon, each adapted to a special kind of work. It is not putting too much strain on the imagination to assume that ge neticists could produce a super-ape, able to understand some scores of words, and capable of being trained for such jobs as picking fruit, cleaning up the litter in parks, shining shoes, collecting garbage, doing household chores, and even baby-sitting though I have known some babies I would not care to trust with a valuable ape). Apes could do many jobs, such as cleaning streets and the more repetitive types of ag ricultural work, without supervision, though they might need protection from those ex ceptional specimens of Homo sapiens who think it amusing to tease or bully anything they consider lower on the evolutionary ladder. For other tasks, such as delivering papers and laboring on the docks, our man-ape would have to work under human overseers; and, in cidentally, I would love to see the finale of the twenty-first century version of the Water front in which the honest but hairy hero will drum on his chest after--literally taking the wicked labor leader apart. Once a supply of nonhuman workers becomes available, a whole range of low IQ jobs could be thankfully relinquished by mankind, to its great mental and physical advan tage. What is more, one of the problems which has plagued so many fictional Utopias would be avoided. There would be none of the deridingly subhuman Epsilons of Huxley’s Brave New World to act as a permanent reproach to society, for there is a profound moral difference between breeding sub-men and super-apes, though the end products are much the same. The first would introduce a form of slavery, the second would be a biological tri umph which could benefit both men and animals. The type of job an ape could do without supervision would be one which is______.
2 As one works with color in a practical or experimental way, one is impressed by two apparently unrelated facts. Color as seen is a mobile changeable thing depending to a large extent on the relationship of the color to other colors seen simultaneously. It is not fixed in its relation to the direct stimulus which creates it. On the other hand, the properties of surfaces that give rise to color do not seem to change greatly under a wide variety of illumi nation colors, usually (but not always) looking much the same in artificial light as in day light. Both of these effects seem to be due in iarge part to the mechanism of color adapta tion mentioned earlier. When the eye is fixed on a colored area, there is an immediate readjustment of the sensitivity of the eye to color in and around the area viewed. This readjustment does not im mediately affect the color seen but usually does affect the next area to which the gaze is shifted. The longer the time of viewing, the higher the intensity, and the larger the area, the greater the effect will be in terms of its persistence in the succeeding viewing situa tion. As indicated by the work of Wright and Shouted, it appears that, at least for a first approximation, full adaptation takes place over a very brief time if the adapting source is moderately bright and the eye has been in relative darkness just previously. As the stimulus is allowed to act, however, the effect becomes more persistent in the sense that it takes the eye longer to regain its sensitivity to lower intensities. The net result is that, if the eye is so exposed and then the gaze is transferred to an area of lower intensity, the loss of sen sitivity produced by the first area will still be present and appear as an "afterimage" super imposed on the second. The effect not only is present over the actual area causing the "lo cal adaptation" but also spreads with decreasing strength to adjoining areas of the eye to produce "lateral adaptation. " Also, because of the persistence of the effect if the eye is shifted around from one object to another, all of which are at similar brightness or have similar colors, the adaptation will tend to become uniform over the whole eye. Whether a colored object would, on two viewings separated in time, appear to the viewer as similar or different in color would depend mostly on______.
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