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Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview, you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following 5 questions. New listen to the interview. Who is Steven Slater

A cyclist,
B. A coach on cycling.
C. An expert on tourism.
D. A tourist.

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Researchers in many countries have observed that middle class children as a group are more successful in the educational system than working class children. More of the former, for example, reach college. Professor Basil Bernstein of the University of London has argued that there is a link between social class and educational failure and that this link is language. In a series of papers published from 1958 to 1973 Bernstein has developed a theory of the "structure and process of cultural transmission," or socialization, part of which may be summarized as follows. One characteristic of many (but not all) working class families is that the status of different members of the family is clearly defined; the authority of the father, for instance, derives from the fact that he is the father. This type of family Bernstein calls positional, and he contrasts it with the person-centered family type, more common (although not omnipresent) in the middle classes. In the latter, status, authority and interpersonal relationships are "negotiated" according to the unique characteristics of each family member. This negotiation, or lack of it, is reflected linguistically. The following conversation might take place in a positional family: Child: Can I have an ice cream Mother: No. Child: Why not Mother: Because I said so. In order to justify her refusal of the child’s request, the mother resorts to her authority as mother. The equivalent exchange in a "person-centered" family might go like this. Child: Can I have an ice cream Mother: No. Child: Why not Mother: Because if you have an ice cream now, you won’t want your lunch later on. This time an attempt is made to justify the decision in logical terms. In both cases a "reason" is given for denying the ice cream, but the "rational" nature of the explanation given by the second mother leads her to the explicit expression of a statement of condition—"if you have an ice cream now"—and result—"you won’t want your lunch later on." Now Bernstein is not saying that middle class parents are more rational or articulate or intelligent than working class parents. He notes, however, that if this sort of difference distinguishes a large proportion of the conversations these two children hear in their childhood, then it is reasonable to expect the middle class child to enter school, at age five or six, with the ability to understand and produce a more varied linguistic repertoire, a more "elaborated code" than his working class school friend. The latter may be just as intelligent, but he will probably possess a more "restricted" linguistic code. Bernstein also recognizes that not all middle class parents’ interactions with their children will be like the (imaginary) example quoted, nor all working class parents’ conversations with their children like the second (imaginary) example. He argues that the middle class child, however, is more likely to reach school age with mastery of both codes, restricted and elaborated. Many (but not all) working class children, on the other hand, will possess the "restricted code" only. This may be just as rich and powerful linguistically, just as complex, just as adequate as a means of expression, but it is not the language of the (often middle class) teacher, of books, of schools, or, more generally, of educational success. There are several problems with Bernstein’s theory, even in its complete form. In common with other critics, Labov has noted the vagueness of the notion of "code" and, with another population, shown how differences in the speech elicited from working class and middle class subjects are sometimes the product of the elicitation procedures themselves. Rosen has attacked what he sees as the confused political definitions of several of Bernstein’s central concepts, including social class, and the lack of linguistic data with which to support his theoretical claims. Trudgill suggests that the linguistic differences found by Bernstein and his associates (such as more of less frequent use of prepositions, impersonal pronouns, varied adjectives and adverbs, and passives) do not reflect two linguistic codes but simply differences in style. People disagree with Bernstein’s theory due to reasons except that ______.

A. his criteria according to which examples are cited are not consistent
B. there is no clear cut between middle class and working class in his theory
C. his linguistic data are not closely relevant to his theoretical supposition
D. his two linguistic codes are interwoven as one set of language, only stylistically different

哪项属于克罗恩病的并发症( )

A. 腹泻
B. 腹痛
C. 瘘管形成
D. 杵状指
E. 腹腔脓肿

Aimlessness has hardly been typical of the postwar Japan whose productivity and social harmony are the envy of the United States and Europe. But increasingly the Japanese are seeing a decline of the traditional work-moral values. Ten years ago young people were hardworking and saw their jobs as their primary reason for being, but now Japan has largely fulfilled its economic needs, and young people don’t know where they should go next. The coming of age of the postwar baby boom and an entry of women into the male-dominated job market have limited the opportunities of teenagers who are already questioning the heavy personal sacrifices involved in climbing Japan’ s rigid social ladder to good schools and jobs. In a recent survey, it was found that only 24.5 percent of Japanese students were fully satisfied with school life, compared with 67.2 percent of students in the United States. In addition, far more Japanese workers expressed dissatisfaction with their jobs than did their counterparts in the 10 other countries surveyed. While often praised by foreigners for its emphasis on the basics, Japanese education tends to stress test taking and mechanical learning over creativity and self-expression. "Those things that do not show up in the test scores—personality, ability, courage or humanity—are completely ignored," says Toshiki Kaifu, chairman of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s education committee. "Frustration against this kind of thing leads kids to drop out and run wild." Last year Japan experienced 2,125 incidents of school violence, including 929 assaults on teachers. Amid the outcry, many conservative leaders are seeking a return to the prewar emphasis on moral education. Last year Mitsuo Setoyama, who was then education minister, raised eyebrows when he argued that liberal reforms introduced by the American occupation authorities after World War had weakened the "Japanese morality of respect for parents." But that may have more to do with Japanese life-styles. "In Japan," says educator Yoko Mum, "it’s never a question of whether you enjoy your job and your life, but only how much you can endure." With economic growth has come centralization; fully 76 percent of Japan’s 119 million citizens live in cities where community and the extended family have been abandoned in favor of isolated, two-generation households. Urban Japanese have long endured lengthy commutes (travels to end from work) end crowded living conditions, but as the old group and family values weaken, the discomfort is beginning to tell. In the past decade, the Japanese divorce rate, while still well below that of the United States, has increased by more then 50 percent, and suicides have increased by nearly one-quarter. Which of the following is true according to the author

A. Japanese education is praised for helping the young climb the social ladder.
B. Japanese education is characterized by mechanical learning as well as creativity.
C. More stress should be placed on the cultivation of creativity.
Dropping out leads to frustration against test takin

骨髓瘤肾病( )

A. 肾小球基底膜通透性增高
B. 肾小管对蛋白质重吸收功能降低
C. 血循环中异常蛋白质增加
D. 肾小管代谢所产生的蛋白质渗入尿液
E. 肾小球滤过率减低

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