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Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
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Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
Passage Two Popular ideological assumptions about society change with the decades, as well as with the enlargement of knowledge. The analysis of the human genetic code published last week demonstrates that humans, genetically speaking, axe only twice as complicated as the fruit fly, and among them- selves share 99.9 percent of their genes. Culture and nurture count in making us what we turn out to be, although that will perhaps come as no great surprise to those outside the close world of academic theory. This part of the rediscovery of the wheel, since before positivism largely took over the social sciences in American universities in the 1950s, it was generally assumed by professors. As well as laymen, that culture had a great deal to do with how material civilization developed. Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling and rigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children:" We are shut up in schools and college recitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not know a thing. ’ That argument, however, relied on historical evidence and reasoning, which had come to be considered "soft" knowledge--unscientific, subjective, itself culture-bound--and, even more recently, as a self-serving tale told by white male parent in order to oppress the rest. To suggest that modern liberal civilization, science and technology emerged in Western Europe because of a particular cultural development linked to the assumptions, values and philosophies of classical Greece and Rome, the Jewish and Christian religions, and the ideas of the European Renaissance and Enlightenment, was thought to put down other civilizations where such development had not taken place. This notion," popular early in the 20th century", according to a New York Times report on the matter, is now "unsettling scholars and policymakers", since it "challenges the assumptions of market economists and liberal thinkers". These are nearly ail, to some degree, economic determinists. The matter is of practical concern in making policy. Take the worst case: the problem of contemporary Africa. Until the 1950s, Africa was generally considered to be a region of pre-modern cultures, developed among a variety of peoples originally practicing simple agriculture, or hunting and gathering. Some cultures were of great artistic complexity; ail had complex codes of value and ceremony; some were quite advanced politically, resembling in many respects European feudalism(灭亡), but all were without written languages or written knowledge. According to the last paragraph, what is the author’s opinion about culture
Passage Two Popular ideological assumptions about society change with the decades, as well as with the enlargement of knowledge. The analysis of the human genetic code published last week demonstrates that humans, genetically speaking, axe only twice as complicated as the fruit fly, and among them- selves share 99.9 percent of their genes. Culture and nurture count in making us what we turn out to be, although that will perhaps come as no great surprise to those outside the close world of academic theory. This part of the rediscovery of the wheel, since before positivism largely took over the social sciences in American universities in the 1950s, it was generally assumed by professors. As well as laymen, that culture had a great deal to do with how material civilization developed. Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling and rigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children:" We are shut up in schools and college recitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not know a thing. ’ That argument, however, relied on historical evidence and reasoning, which had come to be considered "soft" knowledge--unscientific, subjective, itself culture-bound--and, even more recently, as a self-serving tale told by white male parent in order to oppress the rest. To suggest that modern liberal civilization, science and technology emerged in Western Europe because of a particular cultural development linked to the assumptions, values and philosophies of classical Greece and Rome, the Jewish and Christian religions, and the ideas of the European Renaissance and Enlightenment, was thought to put down other civilizations where such development had not taken place. This notion," popular early in the 20th century", according to a New York Times report on the matter, is now "unsettling scholars and policymakers", since it "challenges the assumptions of market economists and liberal thinkers". These are nearly ail, to some degree, economic determinists. The matter is of practical concern in making policy. Take the worst case: the problem of contemporary Africa. Until the 1950s, Africa was generally considered to be a region of pre-modern cultures, developed among a variety of peoples originally practicing simple agriculture, or hunting and gathering. Some cultures were of great artistic complexity; ail had complex codes of value and ceremony; some were quite advanced politically, resembling in many respects European feudalism(灭亡), but all were without written languages or written knowledge. By "soft" knowledge it is meant that the argument for culture’s impact on society is ______.
Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
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