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Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
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Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
Why work (62) you have periodically asked yourself the same question, perhaps focused on (63) you have to work. Selfinterest in its broadest (64) including the interests of family and friends, is a basic (65) for work in all societies. But self-interest can (66) more than providing for subsistence or (67) wealth. For instance, among the Maori, a Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a desire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to (68) to custom and tradition, a feeling of emulation(竞争), and a pleasure in craftsmanship are (69) reasons for working. Even within the United States, we cannot understand work as simply a response to (70) necessity. Studies show that ’the vast (71) of Americans would continue to work even if they inherited enough money to live comfortably. When people work, they gain a (72) place in society. The fact that they receive pay for their work indicates that (73) they do is needed by other people and that they are a necessary part of the social (74) . Work is also a major social mechanism for (75) people in the larger social structure and (76) providing them with identities. In the United States, it is a blunt and (77) public fact that to do nothing is to be nothing and to do little is to be little. Work is commonly seen as the measure of an individual. Sociologist Melvin L. Kohn and his associates have shown some of the ways work affects our lives. (78) , people who engage in selfdirected work come to (79) self-direction more highly, to be more open to new ideas and to be less authoritarian in their relationships with others. (80) , they develop self-conceptions consistent with these values, and as parents they pass these characteristics on to their children. Our work, then, is an important (81) experience that influences who and what we are.
Passage One Ever since AL Gore invented it, the Internet has been a paradise for those with a creative attitude to facts. Students, for example, commission and sell essays with such ease there that online "paper mills" devoted to this trade are one of the few domain name business models still thriving. With a few clicks of a mouse, a student can contract out any academic chore to "research" sites such as Grader-saver. Com or the Evil House of Cheating. One market opportunity, however, frequently creates another. The past few months have seen a rapid rise in interest in software designed to catch the cheats. The subscriber base of Turnitin, a leading anti-plagiarism (防止剽窃) software house based in Oakland, California, has risen by 25 percent since the beginning of the year. Around 150 000 students in America alone are under its round electronic eye. And in Britain, the Joint Information Systems Committee, the unit responsible for advising the country’s universities ’on information technology, has tested the firm’s software in five colleges. If every university lecturer in the country will soon be able to inspect his students’ submissions with it. Turnitin’s software chops each paper submitted for scrutiny into small pieces of text. The resulting "digital fingerprint" is compared, using statistical techniques originally designed, to analyze brain waves (John Barrie, the firm’s founder, was previously a biophysicist), to more than a billion documents that have been fingerprinted in a similar fashion. These include the contents of online paper mills, the classics of literature and the firm’s own archive of ail submitted term papers, as well as a snapshot of the current contents of the World Wide Web. Whenever a matching pattern is found, the software makes a note. After highlighting instances of replication, or obvious paraphrasing (according to Turnitin, some 30 percent of submitted papers are "le. as than original" ) ,the computer running the software returns the annotated (有注释的) document to the teacher who originally submitted it--leaving him with the final decision on what is and is not permissible. Which teachers and institutions will choose to employ such software Past research has shown that, perhaps surprisingly, academic dishonesty correlates with high academic achievement. Nor is public exposure of widespread cheating likely to polish a university’s reputation. Universities with the highest-achieving students and the most faultless reputations may therefore have the most to lose from anti-plagiarism software. Indeed, a curious pattern has emerged among Turnitin’s clients, good universities, such as Duke, Rutgers and Cornell, employ it. Those that like to think of themselves as top- notch (一流的), such as Princeton, Yale and Stanford, do not. According to Dr. Barrie "You apply our technology at Harvard and it would be like a nuclear bomb going off." The author’s attitude towards Tumitin’s anti-plagiarism software may be ______.
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