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In the coming decades, Europe’s influence on affairs beyond its borders will be sharply limited, and it is in other regions, not Europe, that the 21st century will be most clearly forged and defined. Certainly, one reason for NATO’s increasing marginalization stems from the behavior of its European members. With NATO, critical decisions are still made nationally; much of the talk about a common defense policy remains just that—talk. There is little specialization or coordination. Missing as well are many of the logistical and intelligence assets needed to project military force on distant battlefields. With the Cold War and the Soviet threat a distant memory, there is little political willingness, on a country-by-country basis, to provide adequate public funds to the military. Political and demographic changes within Europe, as well as the United States, also ensure that the transatlantic alliance will lose prominence. In Europe, the E.U. project still consumes the attention of many, but for others, especially those in-southern Europe facing unsustainable fiscal shortfalls, domestic economic turmoil takes precedence. No doubt, Europe’s security challenges are geographically, politically and psychologically less immediate to the population than its economic ones. Mounting financial problems and the imperative to cut deficits are sure to limit what Europeans can do militarily beyond their continent. It is true that the era in which Europe and transatlantic relations dominated U.S. foreign policy is over. No doubt, Europe’s security challenges are geographically, politically and psychologically less immediate to the population than its economic ones. Mounting financial problems and the imperative to cut deficits are sure to limit what Europeans can do militarily beyond their continent. It is true that the era in which Europe and transatlantic relations dominated U.S. foreign policy is over.

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The Californian coastline north and south of Silicon Valley is a trend-setting sort of place. Increasingly, the home interiors of the well-heeled there tend toward one of two (1) . Houses are (2) light flooded, sparse and vaguely Asian in (3) , with perhaps a Zen fountain in one corner, a Yoga area in another. Or they resemble electronic control rooms with all sorts of (4) , computers, routers, antennae, screens and remote controls. Occasionally, both elements are (5) . "She" may have the living room and’public areas, (6) "he" is banished with his toys up or down the stairs.Currently, the gadget lovers have powerful allies. Many of the largest companies in the consumer-electronics, computer, telecoms and internet industries have made a strategic decision to (7) visions of a "digital home", "eHome", or "connected home". Doubting that (8) from corporate customers will ever (9) to the boom levels of the late 1990s, Microsoft, Intel, Sony, Verizon, Comcast, Hewlett-Packard, Apple and others see the consumer (10) their best chance for growth and will be throwing a bewildering (11) of home "solutions" at (12) in the coming months and years.To understand what the (13) ultimately have in (14) it is best to visit the (15) homes that most have built on their campuses or at trade shows. (16) cosy and often intimidating, these feature flat screens almost everywhere, (17) electronic picture frames in the bedroom from the large TV-substitute in the living room. Every (18) has a microchip and can be (19) to, typed into or clicked onto. Everything is (20) to a central computer through wireless links. Read the following text. Choose the best word (s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1.2()

A. nor
B. either
C. also
D. neither

在关系数据库规范化理论的研究中,在函数依赖的范畴内,【 】达到了最高的规范化程度。

数据库系统的三级组织结构中,DBA视图是【 】。

When President Obama took the stage here Wednesday to address a community—and a nation—traumatized by Saturday’s shooting rampage in Tucson, Arizona, it invited comparisons to President George W. Bush’s speech to the nation after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and the memorial service President Bill Clinton led after the bombing of a federal office building killed 168 people in Oklahoma City in 1995. But Mr. Obama’s appearance presented a deeper challenge, reflecting the tenor of his times. Unlike those tragedies-which, at least initially, united a mournful country and quieted partisan divisions—this one has, in the days since the killings, had the opposite effect, inflaming the divide. It was a political reality Mr. Obama seemed to recognize the moment he took the stage. He directly confronted the political debate that erupted after the rampage, asking people of all beliefs not to use the tragedy to turn on one another. He called for an end to partisan recriminations, and for a unity that has seemed increasingly elusive as each day has brought more harsh condemnations from the left and the right. It was one of the more powerful addresses that Mr. Obama has delivered as president, harnessing the emotion generated by the shock and loss from Saturday’s shootings to urge Americans "to remind ourselves of all the ways that our hopes and dreams are bound together.\ But Mr. Obama’s appearance presented a deeper challenge, reflecting the tenor of his times. Unlike those tragedies—which, at least initially, united a mournful country and quieted partisan divisions—this one has, in the days since the killings, had the opposite effect, inflaming the divide.

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