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In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
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When prehistoric man arrived in new parts of the world, something strange happened to the large animals. They suddenly became extinct. Smaller species survived. The large, slow-growing animals were easy game, and were quickly hunted to extinction. Now something similar could be happening in the oceans.That the seas are being over fished has been known for years. What researchers such as Ransom Myers and Boris Worm have shown is just how fast things are changing. They have looked at half a century of data from fisheries around the world. Their methods do not attempt to estimate the actual biomass (the amount of living biological matter) of fish species in particular parts of the ocean, but rather changes in that biomass over time. According to their latest paper published in Nature, the biomass of large predators (animals that kill and eat other animals) in a new fishery is reduced on average by 80% within 15 years of the start of exploitation. In some long-fished areas, it has halved again since then.Dr. Worm acknowledges that these figures are conservative. One reason for this is that fishing technology has improved. Today’s vessels can find their prey using satellites and sonar, which were not available 50 years ago. That means a higher proportion of what is in the sea is being caught, so the real difference between present and past is likely to be worse than the one recorded by changes in catch sizes. In the early days, too, longlines would have been more saturated with fish. Some individuals would therefore not have been caught, since no baited hooks would have been available to trap them, leading to an underestimate of fish stocks in the past. Furthermore, in the early days of longline fishing, a lot of fish were lost to sharks after they had been hooked. That is no longer a problem, because there are fewer sharks around now.Dr. Myers and Dr. Worm argue that their work gives a correct baseline, which future management efforts must take into account. They believe the data support an idea current among marine biologists, that of the "shifting baseline. " The notion is that people have failed to detect the massive changes which have happened in the ocean because they have been looking back only a relatively short time into the past. That matters because theory suggests that the maximum sustainable yield that can be cropped from a fishery comes when the biomass of a target species is about 50% of its original levels. Most fisheries are well below that, which is a bad way to do business. The extinction of large prehistoric animals is noted to suggest that ().
In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
Historically, humans get serious about avoiding disasters only after one has just struck them. (21) that logic, 2006 should have been a breakthrough year for rational behavior. With the memory of 9/11 still (22) in their minds, Americans watched hurricane Katrina, the most expensive disaster in U.S. history, on (23) TV. Anyone who didn’t know it before should have learned that bad things can happen. And they are made (24) worse by our willful blindness to risk as much as our (25) to work together before everything goes to hell.Granted, some amount of delusion (错觉) is probably part of the (26) condition. In A.D. 63, Pompeii was seriously damaged by an earthquake, and the locals immediately went to work (27) , in the same spot—until they were buried altogether by a volcano eruption 16 years later. But a (28) of the past year in disaster history suggests that modern Americans are particularly bad at (29) themselves from guaranteed threats. We know more than we (30) did about the dangers we face. But it turns (31) that in times of crisis, our greatest enemy is (32) the storm, the quake or the (33) itself. More often, it is ourselves.So what has happened in the year that (34) the disaster on the Gulf Coast In New Orleans, the Army Corps of Engineers has worked day and night to rebuild the flood walls. They have got the walls to (35) they were before Katrina, more or less. That’s not (36) , we can now say with confidence. But it may be all (37) can be expected from one year of hustle (忙碌).Meanwhile, New Orleans officials have crafted a plan to use buses and trains to (38) the sick and the disabled. The city estimates that 15, 000 people will need a (39) out. However, state officials have not yet determined where these people will be taken. The (40) with neighboring communities are ongoing and difficult. 23().
In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
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