题目内容
没有记载收款人的汇票属于______。
查看答案
搜索结果不匹配？点我反馈
更多问题
男性，23岁，3年来经常有餐后半小时上腹痛，以秋末冬初为重，伴腹胀，嗳气。查体：腹软，上腹部偏左轻压痛，无反跳痛，最可能诊断为
MALAYSIA is agog with speculation. The government, which charged a sitting minister and a prominent businessman with corruption earlier this month, says it has a list of 18 other high-profile suspects due for similar treatment. Opposition politicians say that Rafidah Aziz, the minister of trade, should be among them. She denies any wrong-doing and says she will sue her critics for defamation—a threat they claim to welcome as a chance to prove their accusations in court. Is the pervasiveness of corruption, a problem common to most countries in South-East Asia, at last getting a proper airingThe region is certainly awash with celebrated corruption cases. Joseph Estrada, the deposed president of the Philippines, is currently on trial for "economic plunder". On February 12th, Indonesia’s supreme court finally ruled on a long-running embezzlement case against Akbar Tandjung, the speaker of parliament. In 2001, Thailand’s constitutional court heard charges that Thaksin Shinawatra, the prime minister, had concealed some assets during an earlier stint as minister.But there is less to this flurry of righteousness than meeting the eye. For starters, prosecutors have not had much success against grand defendants like Messrs Thaksin and Tandjung. Both persuaded higher courts in overturn earlier rulings against them. Mr. Estrada, too, managed to evade impeachment while in office, and prosecutors are making heavy weather of their current case againsthim. Even the convicted Mr. Rakkiat has not yet begun his prison term, since he jumped bail and went into hiding. What is more, all the countries in the region save Singapore and Malaysia still rank in the bottom half of the most recent "Corruption Perceptions Index" compiled by Transparency International, an anti-graft watchdog. Vietnam ranked 100 out of 133 countries, Indonesia 122 and Myanmar a dismal 129.This poor showing stems in part from a lack of laws, personnel and money to combat corruption. But the resource in shortest supply is political will to tackle the problem. All countries in South -East Asia have at least one anti-corruption agency. But the ones that work best, argues Jon Quah, a professor at the National University of Singapore, are centralized, independent agencies such as Thailand’s National Counter Corruption Commission. By contrast, Malaysia’s Anti-Corrnption Agency reports to the government, and so is subject to political control. The Philippines, meanwhile, has adopted no fewer than seven anti-corruption laws in the past 50 years, and created 13 anti-graft agencies, according to Mr. Quah’s count. Dramatic but disputed corruption allegations, such as the claim that the president’s husband is managing multiple slush funds, simply get lost in all this bureaucracy. By saying "this flurry of righteousness", the author points to().
下列哪个药属于郁病类药
Benjamin Barber’s Fear’s Empire presents a case against the recent unilateral impulses in U. S. foreign policy. According to Barber, empire is not inherent in U.S. dominance but is, rather, a temptation—one to which the Bush administration has increasingly succumbed. In confronting terror- ism, Washington has vacillated between appealing to law and undermining it. Barber’s thesis is that by invoking a right to unilateral action, preventive war, and regime change, the United States has undermined the very framework of cooperation and law that is necessary to fight terrorist anarchy. A foreign policy oriented around the use of military force against rogue states, Barber argues, reflects a misunderstanding of the consequences of global interdependence and the character of democracy. Washington cannot run a global order driven by military action and the fear of terrorism. Simply put, American empire is not sustainable.For Barber, the logic of globalization trumps the logic of empire: the spread of Mc World under- mines imperial grand strategy. In most aspects of economic and political life, the United States depends heavily on other states. In an empire of fear, the United States attempts to order the world through force of arms. But this strategy is self-defeating: it creates hostile states bent on overturning the imperial order, not obedient junior partners.Barber proposes instead a cosmopolitan order of universal law rooted in human community: "Lex humana works for global comity within the framework of universal rights and law, conferred by multilateral political, economic, and cultural cooperation—with only as much common military action as can be authorized by common legal authority; whether in the Congress, in multilateral treaties, or through the United Nations." Terrorist threats, Barber concludes, are best confronted with a strategy of "preventive democracy"—democratic states working together to strengthen and extend liberalism.Barber’s overly idealized vision of cosmopolitan global governance is less convincing, however, than his warnings about unilateral military rule. Indeed, he provides a useful cautionary note for liberal empire enthusiasts in two respects. First, the two objectives of liberal empire—upholding the rules of the international system and unilaterally employing military power against enemies of the American order—often conflict. Second, the threats posed by terrorism and weapons of mass destruction are not enough to legitimate America’s liberal empire. During the Cold War, the United States articulated a vision of community and progress within a U. S. -lead free world, infusing the exercise of U.S. power with legitimacy. It is doubtful, however, that the war on terrorism, in which countries are either "with us or against us", has an appeal that can draw enough support to justify a U. S. -dominated order. According to the passage, globalization takes over the part of empire because it().
微信支付 
支付宝支付