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二尖瓣狭窄的杂音
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Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies that currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions "What happened" and "How did it happen" have given way to the question "Why did it happen" 46) Prominent among the methods used to answer the question "Why" is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory. Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts. Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them. But this practical use of psychology is not what psychohistorians intend. They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis. This commitment prevents a commitment to history as historians have always understood it. 47) Psychohistory derives its "facts" not from history, the detailed records of events and their sequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends ( goes beyond) history. It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians. And it violates the basic belief of historical method: that historians be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses. 48) Psychohistorians, convinced of the absolute rightness of their theories, are also convinced that theirs is the "deepest" explanation of any event, that other explanations fall short of truth. Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history; it also violates the past itself. 49) It denies to the past any integrity and will of its own, in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had many causes and effects. It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity. 50) Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies that currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions "What happened" and "How did it happen" have given way to the question "Why did it happen" 46) Prominent among the methods used to answer the question "Why" is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory. Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts. Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them. But this practical use of psychology is not what psychohistorians intend. They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis. This commitment prevents a commitment to history as historians have always understood it. 47) Psychohistory derives its "facts" not from history, the detailed records of events and their sequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends ( goes beyond) history. It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians. And it violates the basic belief of historical method: that historians be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses. 48) Psychohistorians, convinced of the absolute rightness of their theories, are also convinced that theirs is the "deepest" explanation of any event, that other explanations fall short of truth. Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history; it also violates the past itself. 49) It denies to the past any integrity and will of its own, in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had many causes and effects. It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity. 50) Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances
To what extent are the unemployed failing in their duty to society to work, and how far has the State an obligation to ensure that they have work to do It is by now increasingly recognized that workers may be thrown out of work by industrial forces beyond their control, and that the unemployed are in some sense paying the price of the economic progress of the community. But concern with unemployment and the unemployed changes sharply. The issues of duty and responsibility were re-opened and made active by the unemployment scare of 1971--1972. Rising unemployment and increased sums paid out in benefits to the workless had reawakened controversies which had been inactive during most of the period of fuller employment since the war ended the Depression. It looked as though in future there would again be too little work to go round, so there were arguments about how to produce more work, how the available work should be shared out, and who was responsible for unemployment and the unemployed. In 1972 there were critics who said that the State’s action in allowing unemployment to rise was a barrier of faith, a breaking of the social contract between society and the worker. Yet the main contribution by employers to unemployment--such as laying off workers in order to introduce technological changes and maximize profit-tended to be ignored. And it was the unemployed who were accused of failing to honor the social contract, by not fulfilling their duty to society to work. In spite of general concern at the scale of the unemployment statistics when the unemployed were considered as individuals they tended to attract scorn and threats of punishment. Their capacities and motivation as workers and their values as members of society became suspect. Of all the myths of the Welfare State, stories of the workshy and stealing have been the least well founded on evidence, yet they have proved the most persistent. The unemployed were accused of being responsible for their own workless condition, and doubts were expressed about the State’s obligation either to provide them with the security of work or to support them through social security. Underlying the arguments about unemployment and the unemployed is a basic disagreement about the nature and meaning of work in society. To what extent can or should work be regarded as a service, not only performed by the worker for society but also made secure for the worker by the State, and subsidized if necessary And apart from cash are there social pressures and satisfactions which cause individuals to seek and keep work, so that the workless need work rather than just cash What the author proposes to examine is ______.
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霍乱与副霍乱的主要并发症状是
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