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Questions 16~20 Marjorie McMillan, head of radiology at a veterinary hospital, found out by reading a letter to the editor in her local newspaper. Pamela Goodwin, a labor-relations expert at General Motors, happened to see a computer printout. Stephanie Odle, an assistant manager at a Sam’s Club store, was slipped a co-worker’s tax form Purely by accident, these women learned they were making less than their male or, in Goodwin’s case, white colleagues at work. Each sued for pay discrimination under federal law, lucky enough to discover what typically stays a secret. "People don’t just stand around the watercooler to talk about how much they make," says McMillan. This, as they say, is the real world, one in which people would rather discuss their sex lives than salaries. And about a third of private employers actually prohibit employees from sharing pay information. It is also a world that the U. S. Supreme Court seems unfamiliar with. The Justices recently decided 5 to 4 that workers are out of luck if they file a complaint under Title Ⅶ—the main federal antidiscrimination law—more than 180 days after their salary is set. That’s six measly months to find out what your co-workers are making so that you can tell whether you’re getting chiseled because of your sex, race, religion or national origin. How many of the roughly 2,800 such complaints pending before the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission will fizzle because of this new rule is hard to say. Less of a mystery, though just as troubling, is how the court reached its decision. Lilly Ledbetter filed the case against Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. because at the end of a 19-year career, she was making far less than any of 15 men at her level She argued that Goodyear violated Title Ⅶ every time it gave her a smaller paycheck. Her complaint was timely, she said, because she filed it within 180 days of her last check. But the court majority read the statute to mean that only an actual decision to pay Ledbetter less could be illegal, and that happened well outside the 180-day period. A statute’s ambiguous wording is fair game, but why read it to frustrate Title Ⅶ’s purpose: to ease pay discrimination in a nation where women make only 77¢ on average for every $1 that men earn And while employers might like this decision, they could end up choking on the torrent of lawsuits that might now come their way. "The real message is that if you have any inkling that you are being paid differently, you need to file now, before the 180 days are up," says Michael Foreman of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights. All this sounds familiar. In June 1989, the Supreme Court issued three decisions that sharply limited the right to sue over employment discrimination. A day after the most prominent ruling, in Wards Cove v. Atonio, Senator Howard Metzenbaum (D., Ohio) declared that he would introduce a bill to overturn the decisions. It took civil rights advocates and their congressional allies eight months to introduce legislation. President George H. W. Bush vetoed the first version, arguing that it would encourage hiring quotas. Finally, in late 1991, the Democratic Congress and the Republican President reached a compromise fashioned by Senators John Danforth (R., Mo.) and Edward Kennedy (D., Mass.). It became the Civil Rights Act of 1991 and overturned parts of eight high-court decisions. Now, Foreman and others are working on a bill to overturn the Ledbetter case, and Senators Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, among others, have expressed interest. A Democratic Congress may well cooperate, though with a Republican again in the White House, final legislation before next year’s elections isn’t guaranteed. In any event, we probably won’t see the kind of groundswell that shifted the law toward workers in 1991 because civil rights advocates aren’t sure these Justices are a threat to workers’ rights. Last June, for example, they made it harder for employers to retaliate against employees who complain of discrimination. That left the Ledbetter ruling looking particularly clueless. "I heard the decision and thought, what is wrong with this court" says McMillan. "It just doesn’t live in the real world. \ Which of the following is likely to sympathize with the victims of pay discrimination

A. George W. Bush.
B. U.S. Supreme Court.
C. Hillary Clinton.
D. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

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Questions 16 to 20 are based on the following talk.

A. Heavy breathing.
B. Snoring.
C. Feeling tired and sleepy.
D. Falling asleep briefly.

甲题: 案情:2004年8月1日22时40分,黄某驾驶一辆浅绿色湘AT4758捷达出租车,在长沙市远大路军凯宾馆附近搭载两名要求到南湖市场的男性乘客姜某和李某,当车行至旺德府建材超市旁时,坐在副驾驶员位置的姜某要求黄某将车停靠在旺德府超市后面的铁门边,当车尚未停稳时,姜某持一把长约20公分的水果刀与李某对黄某实施抢劫,两人从黄某身上抢走现金200余元和TCL2188银色外壳手机一部,并将车钥匙扯下丢出窗外,后下车逃跑。黄某从地上拾回钥匙发动汽车时,两男子已不知去向。黄某随即驾车寻找,在好百年家居建材区D1— 40号门前的三角坪,发现姜某和李某正要坐徐某的摩托车逃走,黄某趁摩托车未启动,用车头撞在摩托车前轮上,两男子被迫跳下摩托车,往南湖布艺城方向逃跑,姜某拿出刀边跑边持刀回头朝黄某挥舞,黄某又继续驾车追赶,将姜某逼在一处栏杆内僵持了10秒钟左右,后姜某又向布艺城的西头楼梯台阶上跑去,黄某驾车紧随其后将其撞倒在第三级台阶处,姜某倒地当场死亡。案发后,黄某拨打"110"报警,向公安机关如实交代了案件发生的整个过程。经法医鉴定,姜某系因巨大钝性外力作用导致肝、脾、肺等多器官裂伤引起失血性休克死亡。 问题:请根据刑法规定与刑法原理,对黄某、姜某、李某、徐某的行为进行全面分折。

甲题: 刘某买了一处房子,办理房屋过户手续后,满心欢喜搬进新房居住,不料,该房却是房主通过中介公司出租给他人,租房者伪造了全套房产材料,甚至骗过北京市建委,将房屋过户出售。事发后,原房主状告北京市建委,法院一纸撤销判决,令崭新的房产证变成了废纸。无奈之下,购房者状告建委,要求未尽审查义务的房管所承担国家赔偿责任。但其请求未获法院支持,理由是:损失主要是由卖房人诈骗行为造成,而非房管部门所为。 该案判决一出,引发了广泛的社会争议,请你站在法律人的立场,运用相关知识对此事背后反映的问题进行评论: 1.运用行政法基本理论分析该案中的政府行为。 2.该案原告应该采取何种手段维护自己的权益 3.联系该案谈谈建设法治政府的基本要求。 答题要求: 1.观点明确,论证充分,逻辑严谨,文字通顺; 2.不少于600字。

Questions 16 to 20 are based on the following talk.

A. There are only three kinds of sleep disorders.
B. Everyone suffers from serious sleep disorders.
C. The disorders have confusing symptoms.
D. Doctors are now able to help people with sleeping problems.

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