阅读下面短文,回答下列五道题。 1998年诺贝尔经济学奖得主阿马蒂亚森在《伦理学与经济学》一书中,对经济学与伦理学的关系问题进行了可贵的探索。他认为,从亚里士多德开始,经济学本来就具有两种根源,即两种人类行为的目的:一种是对财富的关注,一种是更深层次上的目标追求。由此产生两种方法,一种是“工程学”的方法,也就是数学、逻辑的方法;一种是伦理的方法。这两种根源或方法,本来应是平衡的。但不同的学者重视的方面有所不同。从亚里士多德到亚当•斯密,比较注重伦理问题,而威廉•配第、大卫•李嘉图等更注重工程学方面。现代经济学则大大发展了工程学方面,却忽略了伦理方面。 科学研究总是把人们当作完全理性的对象,这样逻辑的方法才能有效。但具体的人,都是活生生的,有情感的,有许多非理性的东西。单纯的理性的逻辑方法,难以避免现实上的失误。人们的感情、人们的意志、人们的理想和道德,在经济行为中,也会起到巨大的作用。单纯的工程学或逻辑方法,是不够用的。亚当•斯密指出,人们的活动是受自利引导,市场则以互利为原则,这一点被现代经济学家所继承和发展了,但人们却忽略了他的另一些观点,即人们的同情心、伦理考虑在人类行为中的作用。一般来讲,个人有或至少应当有追求自利的自由,但并不意味着这种追求就一定有伦理正当。当这种追求损害他人和社会利益时,就违背了伦理正当,从而成为应受谴责的不道德行为。离开伦理学的经济学只能使经济学贫困,正如离开经济学的伦理学,只能使伦理学空洞一样。 经济学和伦理学的结合,其中也包括借助经济学所使用的各种方法和应用程序,使伦理学问题得到进一步的说明和解释。关于道德权利的分析便可证明这一点。人们常常从义务论的角度来看待权利,即表现为他人必须遵守约束。这类义务论结构可能不大适用于对道德中普遍存在的相互依赖性等复杂问题的解释。例如,甲侵犯了乙的权利,那么丙有义务去制止吗丙有权利,但不一定出于义务。如果借助经济学的一些原理去解释丙的行为,可能更有利。用福利主义的根据事物状态的好坏宋判断行为的原则,又用结果主义的根据效用结果来判断事物状态好坏的原则,那么丙去制止甲,因其结果是好的,他便有道德权利去行事。评价一个道德行为,不应只看内在价值(自我完善),还要看结果(与人为善)。显然,用结果主义的逻辑推理来分析道德权利,不见得完全充分,但却十分必要。 由此可见,经济学应具有伦理的方法,伦理学也可引进经济学的方法。伦理学与经济学之所以有相通之处,可以相互联系相互引进,是由人们的经济行为和道德行为本身相互关联决定的。例如在工业生产中.人们的创造能力不仅取决于知识和技术水平,也取决于是否肯于奉献的道德水平。任何人的行为都带有社会性,不管你是否自觉到这一点。而这种社会性既包含经济因素,也包含伦理因素。 以下不属于单纯工程学方法缺陷的一项是( )。
A. 把人当作单纯的理性对象来看待,因而难以避免现实的失误。
B. 常常忽略人的感情、意志、理想和道德的巨大作用。
C. 常常运用经济学的方法与应用程序,来解释和说明伦理学问题。
D. 常常只看到追求自身利益的合理性,却忽略应有的伦理约束。
阅读下面短文,回答下列五道题。 “韦编三绝”是说孔子读《易》次数之多,竟把编联简策的编绳翻断了多次。此语最早见于《史记·孔子世家》。对“韦编”的“韦”如何理解新版《辞海》的解释是:“韦,熟牛皮。古代用竹简写书,用皮绳编缀,故日韦编。”这种说法其实是错误的。其一,现代的形声字古代常常写作假借字,汉代文献中此例不胜枚举。汉代许慎《说文》有“经,织从丝也”。许慎所用的“从”字,即今之形声字“纵”字的假借字。我们既知纵字在汉代实写作“从”,那么我们把汉人(司马迁)写的“韦编”读作“纬编”,是合乎汉人用字常理的。纬编即编联简策的纬绳。因为古人常把纵横称作经纬,所以《说文》又称“纬,织衡丝也”。简书的竹简是纵向排列的,犹如织布帛的经线,编联简策的组绳则是横向编联的,犹如织布帛的纬线。据此,把横向编联简策的组绳称作“纬绳”、 “韦编”是理所当然的。其二,古代简书并不一定是用皮绳编缀的。陈梦家在《汉简缀述》中写道: “所用以编简札为册者,多为丝纶,有时写作‘绳’,有时写作‘编’。苟勋《穆天子传》谓汲郡魏家所出‘皆竹简素丝编’, 《南齐书·文惠太子传》记襄阳古家所出考工记扩竹简书,青丝编……’居延出土汉简册,则为麻绳。”毫无疑义,所谓“素丝编”、 “青丝编”都是指的丝绳。出土简册,则木简仅见用麻绳。除了“韦编三绝”的“韦”被释为皮绳外,尚不见任何关于用皮绳编联简册的记载和实物。 根据全文提供信息,下列分析不符合作者意思的一项是( )。
A. “韦编三绝”的“韦”,实际上是“纬”的假借字。
B. 编联简策的“韦”是横向编联的,相当于织布帛的纬线。
C. 古代简书不用皮绳编缀。
D. 一直以来人们把“韦编三绝”的“韦”解释为“熟牛皮”,是错误的。
Passage Four In most American cities, the tent for a one-bedroom apartment was $250 or more per month in recent years. In some smaller cities such as Louisville, Kentucky or Jacksonville, Florida the rent was less, but in larger cities it was more. For example, if you lived in Los Angeles, you had to pay $400 or more to rent a one-bedroom apartment, and the same apartment rented for $625 and up in Chicago. The most expensive rents in the U. S. were in New York City, where you had to pay at least $700 a month to rent a one-bedroom apartment in most parts of the city. Renters and city planners are worried about the high cost of renting apartments. Many cities now have rent-control laws to keep the cost of renting low. These laws help low-income families who cannot pay high rents. Rent control in the United States began in 1943 when the government imposed rent controls on all American cities to help workers and the families of soldiers during World War II. After the war, only one city—New York—continued these World War II controls. Recently, more and more cities have returned to rent controls. At the beginning of the 1980s, nearly one fifth of the people in the United States lived in cities with rent-control laws. Many cities have rent-control laws, but why are rents so high Builders and landlords blame rent controls for the high rents. Rents are high because there are not enough apartments to rent, and they blame rent controls for the shortage of apartments. Builders want more money to build more apartment buildings, and landlords want more money to repair their old apartment buildings. But they cannot increase rents to get this money because of the rent-control laws. As a result, landlords are not repairing their old apartments, and builders are not building new apartment buildings to replace the old apartment buildings. Builders are building apartments for high-income families, not low-income families, so low-income families must live in old apartments that are in disrepair. Builders and landlords claim that rent-control laws really hurt low-income families. Many renters disagree with them. They say that rent control is not the problem. Even without rent controls, builders and landlords will continue to ignore low-income housing because they can make more money from high-income housing. The only answer, they claim, is more rent controls and government help for low-income housing. Which of the following would be the best title for the passage
A. The Highest Rent
B. Rent Controls
C. Building Apartments for Low-Income Families
D. Rent-Control Laws
Passage Two Analysts have had their go at humor, and I have read some of this interpretative literature, but without being greatly instructed. Humor can be dissected, as a frog can, but the thing dies in the process and the innards (内在部分) are discouraging to any but the pure scientific mind. In a newsreel theatre the other day I saw a picture of a man who had developed the soap bubble to a higher point than it had ever before reached. He had become the ace soap bubble blower of America, had perfected the business of blowing bubbles, refined it, doubled it, squared it, and had even worked himself up into a convenient lather. The effect was not pretty. Some of the bubbles were too big to be beautiful, and the blower was always jumping into them or out of them, or playing some sort of unattractive trick with them. It was, if anything, a rather repulsive sight. Humor is a little like that: it won’t stand much blowing up, and it won’t stand much poking. It has a certain fragility, an evasiveness, which one had best respect. Essentially, it is a complete mystery. A human frame convulsed with laughter, and the laughter becoming mysterious and uncontrollable, is as far out of balance as one shaken with the hiccoughs or in the throes of a sneezing fit. One of the things commonly said about humorist is that they are really very sad people- clowns with a breaking heart. There is some truth in it, but it is badly stated. It would be more accurate, I think, to say that there is a deep vein of melancholy running through everyone’s life and that the humorist, perhaps more sensible of it than some others, compensates for it actively and positively. Humorists fatten on trouble. They have always made trouble pay. They struggle along with a good will and endure pain cheerfully, knowing how well it till serve them in the sweet by and by. You find them wrestling with foreign languages, fighting folding ironing boards and swollen drainpipes, suffering the terrible discomfort of tight boot (or as Josh illings wittily called them, "tire boots"). They pour out their sorrows profitably, in a form hat is not quite a fiction nor quite a fact either. Beneath the sparking surface of these dilemmas lows the strong tide of human woe. Practically everyone is a manic depressive of sorts, with his up moments and his down moments, and you certainly don’t have to be a humorist to taste the sadness of situation and mood. But there is often a rather fine line between laughing and crying, and if a humorous piece of writing brings a person to the point where his emotional responses are untrustworthy and seem likely to break over into the opposite realm, it is because humor, like poetry, has an extra content. It plays close to the bit hot fire which is Truth, and sometimes the reader feels. the heat. In the first paragraph the author wants to say that ______.
A. just as scientists can dissect a frog, so analysts can dissect humor
B. detailed, scientific analysis is not appropriate for humor, for it may make humor lose its aesthetic value
C. some people’s analysis of humor are too scientific
D. analysts’ attempts at humor am not instructive enough to interest the author