TEXT D "A writer’s job is to tell the truth," said Hemingway in 1942. No other writer of our time had so fiercely asserted, so pugnaciously defended or so consistently exemplified the writer’s obligation to speak truly His standard of truth-telling remained, moreover, so high and so rigorous that he was ordinarily unwilling to admit secondary evidence, whether literary evidence or evidence picked up from other sources than his own experience. "I only know what I have seen," was a statement which came often to his lips and pen. What he had personally done, or what he knew unforgettably by having gone through one version of it, was what he was interested in telling about. This is not to say that he refused to invent freely. But he always made it a sacrosanct point to invent in terms of what he actually knew from having been there. The primary intent of his writing, from first to last, was to seize and project for the reader what he often called "the way it .was." This is a characteristically simple phrase for a concept of extraordinary complexity, and Hemingway’s conception of its meaning subtly changed several times in the course of his career--always in the direction of greater complexity. At the core of the concept, however, one can invariably discern the operation of three aesthetic instruments; the sense of place the sense of fact and the sense of scene. The first of these, obviously a strong passion with Hemingway is the sense of place. "Unless you have geography, background," he once told George Anteil, "You have nothing." You have, that is to say, a dramatic vacuum. Few writers have been more place-conscious. Few have s carefully charted out she geographical ground work of their novels while managing to keep background so conspicuously unobtrusive. Few, accordingly, have been able to record more economically and graphically the way it is when you walk through the streets of Paris in search of breakfast at corner café… Or when, at around six o’ clock of a Spanish dawn, you watch the bulls running from the corrals at the Puerta Rochapea through the streets of Pamplona towards the bullring. "When I woke it was the sound of the rocket exploding that announced the release of the bulls from the corrals at the edge of town. Down below the narrow street was empty. All the balconies were crowded with people. Suddenly a crowd came down the street. They were all running, packed close together. They passed along and up street toward the bullring and behind them came more men running faster, and then some stragglers who ere really running. Behind them was a little bare space, and then the bulls, galloping, tossing their heads up and down. It all went out of sight around the corner. One man fell, rolled to the gutter, and lay quiet. But the bulls went right on and did not notice him. They were all running together." This landscape is as morning-fresh as a design in India ink on clean white paper. First is the bare white street, seem from above, quiet and empty. Then one sees the first packed clot of runners. Behind these are the thinner ranks of those who move faster because they are closer to bulls. Then the almost comic stragglers, who are "really running." Brilliantly behind these shines the "little bare space," a desperate margin for error. Then the clot of running bulls-closing the design, except of course for the man in the gutter making himself, like the designer’s initials, as inconspicuous as possible. The author calls "the way it was" a "characteristically simple phrase for a concept of extraordinary complexity" (the second paragraph) because ______.
A. the phrase reflects Hemingway’s talent for obscuring ordinary events
B. the relationship between simplicity and complexity reflected the relationship between the style and content of Hemingway’s writing
C. Hemingway became increasingly confused about "the way it was" throughout the course of his career.
D. Hemingway’s obsession fro geographic details progressively overshadowed the dramatic element of his stories
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某些航空公司对早班和夜班的航班实行一定幅度的票价折扣,这种定价策略是( )。
A. 差别定价
B. 折扣定价
C. 市场渗透
D. 心理定价
适用于实施多角化经营战略的大企业的市场营销组织形式是( )。
A. 市场管理式组织
B. 产品管理式组织
C. 产品一市场管理式组织
D. 职能管理式组织
TEXT B Cancun means "snakepit" in the local Mayan language, and it lived up to its name as the host of an important World Trade Organization meeting that began last week. Rather than tackling the problem of their high agricultural tariffs and lavish farm subsidies, which victimize farmers in poorer nations, a number of rich nations derailed the talks. The failure by 146 trade delegates to reach an agreement in Mexico is a serious blow to the global economy. And contrary to the mindless cheering with which the breakdown was greeted by antiglobalization protesters at Cancun, the world’s poorest and most vulnerable nations will suffer most. It is a bitter irony that the chief architects of this failure were nations like Japan, Korea and European Union members, themselves ads for the prosperity afforded by increased global trade. The Cancun meeting came at the midpoint of the W.T.O.’s "development round", of trade liberalization talks, one that began two years ago with an eye toward extending the benefits of freer trade and markets to poorer countries. The principal demand of these developing nations, led at Cancun by Brazil, has been an end to high tariffs and agricultural subsidies in the developed world, and rightly so. Poor nations find it hard to compete against rich nations farmers, who get more than $300 billion in government handouts each year. The talks appeared to break down suddenly on the issue of whether the W.T.O. should extend its rulemaking jurisdiction into such new areas as foreign investment. But in truth, there was nothing abrupt about the Cancun meltdown. The Japanese and Europeans had devised this demand for an unwieldy and unnecessary expansion of the W.T.O.’s mandate as a poison pill--to deflect any attempts to get them to turn their backs on their powerful farm lobbies. Their plan worked. The American role at Cancun was disappointingly muted. The Bush administration had little interest in the proposal to expand the W.T.O.’s authority, but the American farm lobby is split between those who want to profit from greater access to foreign markets and less efficient sectors that demand continued coddling from Washington. That is one reason the United States made the unfortunate decision to side with the more protectionist Europeans in Cancun, a position that left American trade representatives playing defense on subsidies rather than taking a creative stance, alongside Brazil, on lowering trade barriers. This was an unfortunate subject on which to show some rare trans-Atlantic solidarity. The resulting ’-’coalition of the unwilling" lent the talks an unfortunate north-versus-south cast. Any hope that the United States would take the moral high ground at Cancun, and reclaim its historic leadership in pressing for freer trade, was further dashed by the disgraceful manner in which the American negotiators rebuffed the rightful demands of West African nations that the United States commit itself to a clear phasing out Of its harmful cotton subsidies. American business and labor groups, not to mention taxpayers, should be enraged that the administration seems more solicitous of protecting the most indefensible segment of United States protectionism rather than of protecting the national interest by promoting economic growth through trade. For struggling cotton farmers in sub-Saharan Africa, and for millions of others in the developing world whose lives would benefit from the further lowering of trade barriers, the failure of Cancun amounts to a crushing message from the developed world--one of callous indifference. Who will be the victims of the Cancun failure
A. Farmers in developed countries.
B. Farmers in developing countries.
C. Businessmen in the U.S.A.
D. W.T.O.