题目内容
It is a commonplace among moralists that you cannot get happiness by pursuing it. This is only true if you pursue it (62) . Gamblers at Monte Carlo are pursuing money, and most of them lose it instead, (63) there are other ways of pursuing money, which often succeed. (64) it is with happiness. If you pursue it by (65) of drink, you are forgetting the hang-over (宿醉). Greek philosopher Epicurus pursued it by living only in congenial (趣味相投的) society and eating only dry bread, supplemented by a little cheese on feast days. His method (66) successful in his case, but he was a sick and weak man, and most people would need something more (67) . For most people, the pursuit of happiness, (68) supplemented in various ways, is too abstract and theoretical to be adequate as a personal rule of life. But I think that whatever personal rule of life you may choose it should, except in rare and heroic cases, be compatible (69) happiness. There are a great many people who have all the (70) conditions of happiness, i.e. health and a sufficient income, and who, (71) , are profoundly unhappy. In such cases it would seem as if the (72) must lie with a wrong theory as to how to live. In one (73) , we may say that any theory as to how to live is wrong. We imagine ourselves more different from the animals than we are. Animals live on (74) , and are happy as long as external conditions are (75) . If you have a cat it will enjoy life if it has food and warmth and opportunities for an (76) night on the tiles. Your needs are more complex than those of your cat, but they still have their basis in instinct. In civilized societies, (77) in English-speaking societies, this is too (78) to be forgotten. People propose to themselves some one paramount (最 高的) objective, and (79) all impulses that do not minister to it. A businessman may be so anxious to grow rich that to this end he sacrifices health and private (80) . When at last he has become rich, no pleasure remains to him except harrying (折 磨) other people by exhortations (训词) to (81) his noble example.
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Questions 11～15 President Clinton’s decision on Apr. 8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an agreement on China’s entry into the World Trade Organization seemed to be a massive miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag. The Cabinet and White House still appeared divided, and business leaders were characterized as furious over the lost opportunity. Zhu charged that Clinton lacked "the courage" to reach an accord. And when Clinton later telephoned the angry Zhu to pledge a renewed effort at negotiations, the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop. In fact, Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is needed before a final agreement can be reached. And without the Administration’s goal of a " bullet-proof agreement" that business lobbyists can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years. THE HARD PART. Many business lobbyists, while disappointed that the deal was not closed, agree that better terms can still be had. And Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic Council Director Gene B. Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley, and top trade negotiator Charlene Barshefsky all advised Clinton that while the Chinese had made a remarkable number of concessions, "we’re not there yet," according to senior officials. Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining issues may be the easy part. Although Clinton can signal U. S. approval for China’s entry into the WTO himself, he needs Congress to grant Beijing permanent most-favored-nation status as part of a broad trade accord. And the temptation for meddling on Capital Hill may prove over-whelming. Zhu had barely landed before Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss) declared himself skeptical that China deserved entry into the WTO. And Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N. C.) and Ernest F. Hollings (D-S. C.) promised to introduce a bill requiring congressional approval of any deal. The hidden message from these three textile-state Southerners. Get more protection for the U.S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth the way, the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles. Also left in the lurch. Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit. Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on "cultural" restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to provide fleet financing. BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists are blanketing Capitol Hill to presale any eventual agreement, but what they’ve heard so far isn’t encouraging. Republicans, including Lott, say that "the time just isn’t right" for the deal. Translation: We’re determined to make it look as if Clinton has capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human, religious, and labor rights violations; the theft of nuclear-weapons technology; and the sale of missile parts to America’s enemies. Beijing’s fierce critics within the Democratic Party, such as Senator Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and House Minority leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, won’t help, either. Just how tough the lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured 19 chief executives on the need to discipline their Republican allies. With business and the White House still trading charges over who is responsible for the defeat of fast-track trade negotiating legislation in 1997, working together won’t be easy. And Republicans—with a wink— say that they’ll eventually embrace China’s entry into the WTO as a favor to Corporate America, though not long before they torture Clinton. But Zhu is out on a limb, and if Congress overdoes the criticism, he may be forced by domestic critics to renege. Business must make this much dear to both its GOP allies and the White House. This historic deal is too important to risk losing to any more partisan squabbling. What does the sentence "Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, Detroit" convey
In some countries, societal and familial treatment of the elderly usually reflects a great degree of independence and individualism. 61) Their financial support is often provided by social security of welfare systems, which decrease dependence on their family. Additionally, older people may seek their own friends rather than become too emotionally dependent on their children. Senior citizens centers provide a means for peer-group association within one’s own age groups. There are problems, however, with growing old in the United States. 62) Glorification of youth and indifference to the aged have left many older people alienated and alone.Some families send their older relatives to nursing homes rather than integrate them into the homes of the children or grandchildren. This separation of the elderly from the young has contributed to the isolation of an increasingly large segment of society. 63) On the other hand, there are many older people who choose to live in retirement communities where they have the companionship of other older people and the convenience of many recreational and social activities close to home.The treatment of the elderly can be further understood by distinguishing between nuclear and extended family structures. In the United States the nuclear family, which consists of the father, the mother, and the children, is considered "the family". The extended family, common in other cultures, includes grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, nephews, nieces, and in-laws. The distinction between the nuclear and extended family is important because it suggests the extent of family ties and obligations. In extended families the children and parents have strong ties and obligations to relatives. It is common in these families to support older family members to have intensive contact with relatives, and to establish communal housing.The American nuclear family usually has its own separate residence and is economically independent of other family members. 64) Relatives are still considered "family" but are often outside the basic obligations that people have to their immediate families. When couples marry, they are expected to live independently of their parents and become "heads of households" when they have children. 65) It is not unusual in times of financial need for nuclear family members to borrow money from a bank rather than from relatives. Grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins, then, are not directly involved in the same way as they would be in an extended family structure. Their financial support is often provided by social security of welfare systems, which decrease dependence on their family.
女性患者，71岁，胃溃疡病史10年，最近2个月腹胀，食欲减退，体重下降3kg，大便隐血试验持续阳性，应用抗酸剂治疗胃病效果不好。 该患者最可能的诊断是
请阅读下列一篇新闻报道并就此事件作一简单描述。 2．根据作文题要求及木篇报道给出你的评论。 被撤销“省示范高中”称号 省教育厅发出通报要求各中小学校开展教育思想大讨论 本报讯 新华社记者葛如江报道：人民日报“华东新闻”5月21日刊发“投票选差生孩子怕上学”稿，披露了安徽省宿州市第二中学个别老师歧视。体罚“差生”问题，引起安徽省委，省政府领导和省教育厅的高度重视。 6月3日，安徽省教育厅向全省发出通报，撤销宿州市第二中学“省示范高中”称号，建议给予有关责任人相应处理。通报要求，各中小学校要组织全体教师结合发生在宿州二中的事件，开展教育思想大讨论，集中进行法制学习和教育活动，增强广大教师保护学生，关爱学生的责任感和使命感。 通报说，宿州二中个别教师歧视，体罚学生，学校虽然对相关教师作出了相应处理，但认识不到位，处理不及时，且整改措施不力，引起学生及家长强烈不满。对此，安徽省委，省政府有关领导要求省教育厅严肃查处．省教育厅厅长陈贤忠看到报道后批示：“看了这篇报道，心情十分沉重。这是一所学校，还是省示范高中，怎么可以如此对待学生!教师的职责就是使学生从无知到有知，从差生转变成优秀，一个毕业不久的老师如此不尊重学生，已经配不上“人民教师”的称号，学生大量流失还没有使这位老师警醒吗问题发生在老师身上，作为宿州二中的领导到哪儿去了!学校领导要深刻反思，此事事关学校的办学指导思想。” 安徽省和宿州市调查组认为，发生在宿州二中的个别教师歧视，体罚学生事件，是一起严重违反有关教育法规和教育规律，背离职业道德要求，侵害学生受教育权的事件，反映出该校办学指导思想不端正。学校个别负责人和少数教师认为，只要把升学率搞上去了，就能一俊遮百丑，甚至认为相关老师犯的错误，是“好心办了坏事情”，表示同情，处理起来心软。这一事件暴露出少数教师法制观念淡薄，思想道德素质低下。学校管理松散，岗位责任和相关制度不落实。据了解，类似的事件在其他一些地方也不同程度地存在，各地各校都应当从宿州二中这一事件中得到警示。 通报说，经研究决定，撤销宿州二中“省示范高中”称号，该校享有的与省示范高中有关的招生、收费政策停止执行。该校校长对这一事件负有不可推卸的领导责任，建议宿州市免去其校长职务。同时建议，给子有关负责人以行政处分，通报批评。 (新华社供本报专稿)“华东新闻"2004年06月08日第二版
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