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In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
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In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
Historically, humans get serious about avoiding disasters only after one has just struck them. (21) that logic, 2006 should have been a breakthrough year for rational behavior. With the memory of 9/11 still (22) in their minds, Americans watched hurricane Katrina, the most expensive disaster in U.S. history, on (23) TV. Anyone who didn’t know it before should have learned that bad things can happen. And they are made (24) worse by our willful blindness to risk as much as our (25) to work together before everything goes to hell.Granted, some amount of delusion (错觉) is probably part of the (26) condition. In A.D. 63, Pompeii was seriously damaged by an earthquake, and the locals immediately went to work (27) , in the same spot—until they were buried altogether by a volcano eruption 16 years later. But a (28) of the past year in disaster history suggests that modern Americans are particularly bad at (29) themselves from guaranteed threats. We know more than we (30) did about the dangers we face. But it turns (31) that in times of crisis, our greatest enemy is (32) the storm, the quake or the (33) itself. More often, it is ourselves.So what has happened in the year that (34) the disaster on the Gulf Coast In New Orleans, the Army Corps of Engineers has worked day and night to rebuild the flood walls. They have got the walls to (35) they were before Katrina, more or less. That’s not (36) , we can now say with confidence. But it may be all (37) can be expected from one year of hustle (忙碌).Meanwhile, New Orleans officials have crafted a plan to use buses and trains to (38) the sick and the disabled. The city estimates that 15, 000 people will need a (39) out. However, state officials have not yet determined where these people will be taken. The (40) with neighboring communities are ongoing and difficult. 40().
In order to comprehend the (31) realities of labor market discrimination (32) females, it is (33) to understand both its function and its origins. Functionally, labor market segmentation (34) a number of purposes. It provides a (35) labor supply to accommodate the anarchy of the market while reducing the risks to capital; it divides labor into antagonistic groups based on pre-existing social divisions, (36) prevents the recognition of the common conflict of all labor with employers; it allows employers to divide (37) the market and pay the (38) necessary price for each group of workers (just as the airlines divide up the (39) market among business travelers, youth, families, pensioners, vacationers, et cetera, so as to extract the (40) price from each group); and it provides the employer (41) different sets of labor characteristics that are required by (42) types and levels of operation. The origin of this labor market segmen- tation (43) in the transition from the household form of production, with its (44) division of labor, which recognizes power of the family, (45) the industrial capitalist form of production. Women as a group have never totally escaped from household production, (46) economically socially. The result is the relegation of women to those unskilled (in the sense of marketable credentials) jobs (47) that are a market extension of home production or, given to low productivity of homework, to the emerging labor intensive occupations that rely on low wages, such as clerical work. The women’s role in reproduction has also encouraged a broken pattern of labor market participation that has traditionally blocked (48) to employers to the class struggle put up primarily by male workers (49) the degradation of work under industrial capitalism, which (50) the capture of high-productivity, high-wage jobs for the primary male work.
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