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Passage Five At some time around 2300BC, give or take a century or two, a large number of the major civilizations of the world collapsed, in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Israel, Anatolia, and Greece, as well as in Afghanistan and China. All of them the first urban civilizations fell into rain at more or less the same time. A thousand years later, around 1200BC, many of the civilizations of the same regions again collapsed at about the same time. The reasons for these widespread and apparently simultaneous disasters which coincided with changes to cultures and societies elsewhere, such as in Britain, have long been a fascinating mystery. Traditional explanations included warfare, famine, and more recently systems collapse, but the apparent absence of direct archaeological or written evidence for causes, as opposed to effects, has led many archaeologists and historians into a resigned assumption that no definite explanation can be found. Over the past 15 years, however, a new type of ’natural disaster’ has been proffered which is beginning to be regarded by many scholars as the most probable single explanation for widespread and simultaneous cultural collapse. The new theory has been advanced largely by astronomers and remains largely unknown by archaeologists (notable exceptions include Professor Baillie of Belfast and Dr. Euan Mackie in Glasgow). The theory postulates that the disasters were caused by the impact of comets or other types of cosmic debris on the Earth. French archaeologist Chude Schaeffer, in 1948, published his analysis and compared the destruction layers of more than 40 archaeological sites. He was the first scholar to detect that all of the sites had been totally destroyed several times in the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age, apparently simultaneously. Since the damage did not show signs of military or other human involvement, and, in any case, was too excessive, he argued that repeated seismic activity might have been responsible. Schaeffer was not taken seriously in 1948, but since then natural scientists have found widespread and unambiguous evidence for abrupt climate change, sudden sea level changes, catastrophic inundations, and seismic activity at several periods since the last Ice Age, particularly around 2300BC. Areas such as the Sahara, which were once farmed, became deserts. Tree rings show disastrous conditions at 2350BC. In Mesopotamia the land appears to have been inundated, devastated, or totally burned. Scholars who, following Schaeffer, favor earthquakes as the principal cause of civilization collapse, argue that the world can expect earthquakes every 1000 ~2000 years, leading to abandonment of sites; while scholars who prefer climate change as the principal cause argue that severe droughts caused agriculture to fail and that .societies inexorably fell apart as a result. The question remained what caused the climate change or the earthquakes. By the late 1970’s British astronomers Clube and Napier of Oxford University had begun to investigate cometary impact as the ultimate cause. In 1980, the Nobel prize-winning chemist Luis Alvarez and his colleagues published their paper arguing that a cosmic impact had caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. He showed that large amounts of iridium found in geological layers from the time of the dinosaurs had a cosmic origin. Alvarez’s paper stimulated further research by Clube and Napier, Professor Mark Bailey, Duncan Steel and Sir Fred Hoyle. All now support the theory of cometary impact and what is now known as the British School of Coherent Catastrophism. The collapse of civilizations has remained a fascinating mystery because ______.

A. it occurred simultaneously.
B. it occurred at a time similar to noticeable cultural and social changes
C. there are no written records.
D. all of the above.

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On your answer sheet, circle and black out the letter that best answers the questions below.Passage One Obviously, the per capita income of a country depends on many things, and any statistical test that does not take account of all important determinants is misspecified, and thus must be used only for descriptive and heuristic purposes. It is nonetheless interesting--and for many people surprising--to find that there is a positive and even a statistically significant relationship between these two variables: the greater the number of people per square kilometer the higher the per capita income. The law of diminishing returns is not invariably true. It would be absurd to suppose that a larger endowment of land ipso facto makes a country poorer. This consideration by itself would, of course, call for a negative sign on population density. Thus, it is interesting to ask what might account for the "wrong" sign and think of what statistical tests should ultimately be done. Clearly there is a simultaneous two-way relationship between population density and per capita income; the level of per capita income affects population growth just as population, by increasing the labor force, affects per capita income. The argument offered here suggests that perhaps countries with better economic policies and institutions come to have higher per capita incomes than countries with inferior policies and institutions, and that these higher incomes bring about a higher population growth through more immigration and lower death raters. In this way, the effects of better institutions and policies in raising per capita income swamps the tendency of diminishing returns to labor to reduce it. This hypothesis may also explain why many empirical studies have not been able to show a negative association between the rate of population growth and increases in per capita income. One reason why the ratio of natural resources to population does not account for variations in per capita income is that most economic activity can now readily be separated from deposits of raw material and arable land. Over time, transportation technologies have certainly improved, and products that have a high value in relation to their weight, such as most services and manufactured goods like computers and airplanes, may have become more important. The Silicon Valley is not important for the manufacturing of computers because of the deposits of silicon, and London and Zurich are not great banking centers because of fertile land. Even casual observation suggests that most modem manufacturing and service exports are not closely related to natural resources. Western Europe does not now have a high ratio of natural resources to population, but it is very important in the export of manufactures and services. In a parallel way, the striking success of Japan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, with relatively few natural resources per capita, cannot be explained by reliance thereon. With which bf the following statements would the author agree

A. One would not ordinarily suppose that a large country would be poor.
B. A negative sign on population density may be a wrong sign.
C. Per capita income depends on the size of the labor force.
D. The author would agree with all of the above statements.

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阅读材料,回答问题。材料一 2004年8月20日,温家宝总理在听取科技规划专题研究汇报会上强调,要增强国家科技创新能力,为全面建设小康社会提供有力支撑。要增强历史责任感和紧迫感,抓住机遇把我国科技搞上去。材料二 邓小平同志生前十分注重青少年创新精神和创新能力的培养。前不久,邓小平同志亲属按照他生前的遗愿,把邓小平同志生前的全部稿费捐赠出来,用于奖励青少年的科技创新。 请从两个角度谈谈你对材料一的理解。

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