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Choose the correct headings for each of the following paragraphs marked with B to F. Write your answer on the ANSWER SHEET(15 points). List of Headings i. Can unhappy consumers vote "No" ii. Affluence does not free us from worries. iii. One dropout, one vote—formula for disaster. iV. A large population does not fit in this hi-tech era. V. What are the long term consequences Vi. The consumer activists intervene as the Third-Party. Vii. Where does the motivation come from Viii. What is the price we pay iX. A horde of economic parasites poses the big problem. Example Answer Paragraph A ii A In America today people work fewer hours, have more security and real wealth than ever before, and yet we are an unhappy people involved in much social dissent. We are frustrated over poverty, equal rights, changing social mores, campus revolt, pollution, and our environment. The things we worry about today were, of course, problems years ago, but we were too busy, too insecure, too poor to do much about them. Perhaps we should be thankful for the affluence that has made it possible for us to move these "old problems" upward on our scale of priorities. At the same time we should recognize that while affluence provides the means it does not necessarily provide the wisdom for instantly coping with the complex social problems now concerning us. B Until quite recently, we have been so busy growing in an industrial sense, and we have enjoyed the fruits of our labor so much, that we have had little time or resources to devote to those broad social problems created by our rapidly advancing technology. No small part of this technological advance has been in agriculture. Those persons left in agriculture today are the economic survivors of the greatest mass migration in the history of man. Had there been no out-migration from agriculture over the past 35 years, our present farm population would be 65 million rather than 10 million. This sudden displacement includes many who have neither the capacity nor yen to learn and master a new profession—many who find it disagreeable to work by the clock and calendar. Many of these are the technological dropouts who are in trouble—who are both a burden and responsibility of our modern society—who are a source of discontent in this time of affluence. C Numbered among the dropouts and other technological misfits are many of our youth who, supported by affluent parents, have not had to worry much about becoming productive citizens. Suddenly we are aware of a large and growing group living on the leavings of a highly productive society. Earlier societies have had their leisure classes but never before in history has so large a proportion of a society been free of the worries of seeking the bare essentials of food, shelter, and clothing. The perplexing problem facing us is how to absorb these technological dropouts and make them productive. D This growing horde of economic parasites takes on a very serious meaning in a one-member, one-vote democratic society. Still in the minority, their presence is largely manifested in social meddling—in contemplation about the welfare of their fellow man. One such movement we vaguely call consumerism, in which activists champion issues which appear to be beneficial to consumers. The term implies protection of the consumer, but the flood of proposals for ways and means of protecting the consumer are not generally traceable to those seeking protection for themselves. To the contrary, the specific issues of consumerism are initiated by those who, for assorted reasons, seek to protect others from harm. E The consumer activists obviously range from selfish to unselfish, from dishonest to honest, from thoughtless to well informed. Whatever their motives, they contend that consumers should be protected from physical and economic harm, that consumers should be informed and educated in product knowledge, that consumers should have a choice in the market place, and finally that consumers should have proper legal redress for wrongs. Such virtuous aims seem undebatable until one realizes that under consumerism they are subject to third-party interpretation which may or may not be in the consumer interest. The third-party values can always be made to appear rational, and are often vigorously supported by the general public. As a result, innumerable laws and regulations are rapidly displacing the free decision of the individual in the market place, and the right of the consumer to choose increasingly becomes a mockery. F Risk is inherent in every consumer purchase. The efforts of man to eliminate risk in the market place are pointless because the reduction of one kind of risk must always be accompanied by a compensating increase in another kind of risk. The cost of protection is deprivation. We can, if we desire, achieve a high degree of auto safety by reducing speed; but society rejects the sacrifice and instead, with the safety belt, accepts a lower safety level requiring less sacrifice. Paragraph B______
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Choose the correct headings for each of the following paragraphs marked with B to F. Write your answer on the ANSWER SHEET(15 points). List of Headings i. Can unhappy consumers vote "No" ii. Affluence does not free us from worries. iii. One dropout, one vote—formula for disaster. iV. A large population does not fit in this hi-tech era. V. What are the long term consequences Vi. The consumer activists intervene as the Third-Party. Vii. Where does the motivation come from Viii. What is the price we pay iX. A horde of economic parasites poses the big problem. Example Answer Paragraph A ii A In America today people work fewer hours, have more security and real wealth than ever before, and yet we are an unhappy people involved in much social dissent. We are frustrated over poverty, equal rights, changing social mores, campus revolt, pollution, and our environment. The things we worry about today were, of course, problems years ago, but we were too busy, too insecure, too poor to do much about them. Perhaps we should be thankful for the affluence that has made it possible for us to move these "old problems" upward on our scale of priorities. At the same time we should recognize that while affluence provides the means it does not necessarily provide the wisdom for instantly coping with the complex social problems now concerning us. B Until quite recently, we have been so busy growing in an industrial sense, and we have enjoyed the fruits of our labor so much, that we have had little time or resources to devote to those broad social problems created by our rapidly advancing technology. No small part of this technological advance has been in agriculture. Those persons left in agriculture today are the economic survivors of the greatest mass migration in the history of man. Had there been no out-migration from agriculture over the past 35 years, our present farm population would be 65 million rather than 10 million. This sudden displacement includes many who have neither the capacity nor yen to learn and master a new profession—many who find it disagreeable to work by the clock and calendar. Many of these are the technological dropouts who are in trouble—who are both a burden and responsibility of our modern society—who are a source of discontent in this time of affluence. C Numbered among the dropouts and other technological misfits are many of our youth who, supported by affluent parents, have not had to worry much about becoming productive citizens. Suddenly we are aware of a large and growing group living on the leavings of a highly productive society. Earlier societies have had their leisure classes but never before in history has so large a proportion of a society been free of the worries of seeking the bare essentials of food, shelter, and clothing. The perplexing problem facing us is how to absorb these technological dropouts and make them productive. D This growing horde of economic parasites takes on a very serious meaning in a one-member, one-vote democratic society. Still in the minority, their presence is largely manifested in social meddling—in contemplation about the welfare of their fellow man. One such movement we vaguely call consumerism, in which activists champion issues which appear to be beneficial to consumers. The term implies protection of the consumer, but the flood of proposals for ways and means of protecting the consumer are not generally traceable to those seeking protection for themselves. To the contrary, the specific issues of consumerism are initiated by those who, for assorted reasons, seek to protect others from harm. E The consumer activists obviously range from selfish to unselfish, from dishonest to honest, from thoughtless to well informed. Whatever their motives, they contend that consumers should be protected from physical and economic harm, that consumers should be informed and educated in product knowledge, that consumers should have a choice in the market place, and finally that consumers should have proper legal redress for wrongs. Such virtuous aims seem undebatable until one realizes that under consumerism they are subject to third-party interpretation which may or may not be in the consumer interest. The third-party values can always be made to appear rational, and are often vigorously supported by the general public. As a result, innumerable laws and regulations are rapidly displacing the free decision of the individual in the market place, and the right of the consumer to choose increasingly becomes a mockery. F Risk is inherent in every consumer purchase. The efforts of man to eliminate risk in the market place are pointless because the reduction of one kind of risk must always be accompanied by a compensating increase in another kind of risk. The cost of protection is deprivation. We can, if we desire, achieve a high degree of auto safety by reducing speed; but society rejects the sacrifice and instead, with the safety belt, accepts a lower safety level requiring less sacrifice. Paragraph C______
We would all like to think that humankind is getting smarter and wiser and that our past blunders won"t be repeated. Bookshelves are filled with such reassuring pronouncements. Encouraging forecasts rest in part on the belief that we can learn the right lessons from the past and cast discredited ideas onto the ash heap of history, where they belong. Those who think that humanity is making steady if fitful progress might point to the gradual spread of more representative forms of government, the largely successful campaign to eradicate slavery, the dramatic improvements in public health over the past two centuries, the broad consensus that market systems outperform centrally planned economies, or the growing recognition that action must be taken to address humanity"s impact on the environment. An optimist might also point to the gradual decline in global violence since the Cold War. In each case, one can plausibly argue that human welfare improved as new knowledge challenged and eventually overthrew popular dogmas, including cherished but wrongheaded ideas, from aristocracy to mercantilism that had been around for centuries. Yet this sadly turns out to be no universal law; There is no inexorable evolutionary march that replaces our bad, old ideas with smart, new ones. If anything, the story of the last few decades of international relations can just as easily be read as the maddening persistence of dubious thinking. Misguided notions are frustratingly resilient, hard to stamp out, no matter how much trouble they have caused in the past and no matter how many scholarly studies have undermined their basic claims. Consider, for example, the infamous " domino theory, " kicking around in one form or another since President Dwight D. Eisenhower"s 1954 "falling dominoes" speech. During the Vietnam War, plenty of serious people argued that a U. S. withdrawal from Vietnam would undermine America"s credibility around the world and trigger a wave of pro-Soviet realignments. No significant dominoes fell after US troops withdrew in 1975, however, and it was the Berlin Wall that eventually toppled instead. Various scholars examined the domino theory in detail and found little historical or contemporary evidence to support it. Although the domino theory seemed to have been dealt a fatal blow in the wake of the Vietnam War, it has re-emerged, phoenix-like, in the current debate over Afghanistan. We are once again being told that if the United States withdraws from Afghanistan before achieving a clear victory, its credibility will be called into question, al Qaeda and Iran will be emboldened, Pakistan could be imperiled, and NATO"s unity and resolve might be fatally compromised. Back in 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called Afghanistan an " important test of the credibility of NATO, " and President Barack Obama made the same claim in late 2009 when he announced his decision to send 30, 000 more troops there. Obama also justified his decision by claiming that a Taliban victory in Afghanistan would spread instability to Pakistan. Despite a dearth of evidence to support these alarmist predictions, it"s almost impossible to quash the fear that a single change in their strategy will unleash a cascade of falling dominoes. There are other cases in which the lessons of the past—sadly unlearned—should have been even more obvious because they came in the form of truly devastating catastrophes. Germany"s defeat in World War I, for example, should seemingly have seared into Germans" collective consciousness the lesson that trying to establish hegemony in Europe was almost certain to lead to disaster. Yet a mere 20 years later, Adolf Hitler led Germany into another world war to achieve that goal, only to suffer an even more devastating defeat. Why is it so hard for states to learn from history and, especially, from their own mistakes And when they do learn, why are some of those lessons so easily forgotten Moreover, why do discredited ideas come back into fashion when there is no good reason to resurrect them Clearly, learning the right lessons—and remembering them over time—is a lot harder than it seems. But why The word "discredited" is used twice in the passage. It means______.
2003年6月23日，《城市生活无着的流浪乞讨人员救助管理办法》正式发布，并于8月1日正式实施。1982年发布的《城市流浪乞讨人员收容遣送办法》同时被废止。这一变化体现了( )(2004年多选)
Ever since Milton Friedman"s address to the American Economic Association in 1968 and the ensuing theoretical work by Robert Lucas and others in the 1970s, the rising long-term inflation expectations have inexorably led to higher inflation. 【K1】______This summer the European Central Bank followed through with a rate hike. In the US, the Federal Reserve is nervously eyeing the latest jumps in producer and consumer prices. Evidence of long-term inflation expectations can be gleaned from breakeven inflation rates on index-linked bonds. Surveys of consumers suggest their expectations for inflation have risen as well. For example, the University of Michigan asks Americans where they think inflation will be over the next 5-10 years. Two years ago they said it would be 2. 9 per cent. Earlier this summer the tally spiked to a more worrisome 3. 4 per cent. Soaring prices for energy and food are mostly to blame. However, as Friedman pointed out, inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. The central question is not about inflation expectations. Nor is it about commodity prices, however quickly they may be rising. 【K2】______That is where the story gets more complicated. Are monetary conditions easy Is there spare capacity In the US, slack is appearing in the economy, as seen in rising unemployment, now up to 5. 7 per cent. Negative real interest rates suggest monetary conditions are easy. But the Fed"s own surveys suggest that bankers are less willing to lend; consumers less willing to borrow. Low real interest rates are a manifestation of economic and financial malaise, not excessive monetary accommodation. 【K3】______. So, what are we to make of higher inflation expectations in the US and western Europe Investors and households seem to believe energy and food prices will continue to rise. But will other prices and wages automatically follow suit 【K4】______Perhaps that is why consumer confidence has plummeted on both sides of the Atlantic. In short, households may say they expect higher inflation, but there is little they can do about it. The reality is they are experiencing falling real incomes and pinched balance sheets. That is hardly the stuff of overheating. The Friedman-Lucas emphasis on inflation expectations was a model suited to different times. Central bankers no longer try to ramp growth by springing inflation surprises on unwitting workers. Unionization has declined, automatic cost-of-living adjustments are rare, globalization has reduced pricing power for most companies and bargaining power for most workers. Today, advanced economies are confronted with stagnating growth, collapsing housing markets, slowing world trade, stressed financial systems, and weak household balance sheets. This is not the 1970s. 【K5】______We should therefore be skeptical of the case for tighter monetary policies based on models developed in, and better suited for, a bygone era. Choose the following sentences marked A to E to complete the above article. Write your answer on the ANSWER SHEET. A. Altogether, the case for accelerating US inflation looks weak in the face of below-trend growth and stuttering credit conditions B. Broad-based price and wage inflation is unlikely today C. And so, dutifully, central bankers in the US, UK, euro-zone and even in some emerging economies have spoken reproachfully in recent months about signs that inflation expectations are moving up D. Rather, inflation is determined by the interplay between monetary conditions and capacity in the economy to grow without pushing most prices higher E. Stagnating growth and tighter credit conditions suggest the opposite 【K2】
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