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In the United States, older people rarely live with their adult children. But in many other cultures children are expected to care (51) their aged parents. In some parts of Italy, the percentage of adult children who (52) with their parents reach 65 to 70 percent. In Thailand, too, children are expected to care for their elderly parents ;few Thai elderly live (53) . What explains these differences in living arrangements (54) cultures Modernization theory (55) the extended family household to low levels of economic development. In traditional societies, the elderly live with their children in large extended family units for economic reasons. But with modernization, children move to urban areas, leaving old people behind in (56) rural areas. Yet modernization theory cannot explain why extended family households were never common in the United States or England, or why families in Italy, which is fully modemized, (57) a strong tradition of intergenerational living. Clearly, economic development alone cannot explain (58) living arrangements. Another theory associated intergenerational living arrangements with inheritance patterns. In some cultures, the stem family pattem of inheritance predominates. (59) this system, parents live with a married child, usually the oldest son, who then (60) their property when they die. The stem family system was once common in Japan, but changes in inheritance laws, as well as broader social changes brought (61) by industrialization and urbanization, have (62) the tradition. In 1960about 80 percent of Japanese over 65 lived with their children; by 1990 only 60 percent did - a figure that is still high (63) U.S. standards, but which has been (64) steadily. In Korea, too, traditional living arrangements are (65) : the percentage of aged Koreans who live with a son declined from 77 percent in 1984 to 50 percent just 10 years later. Although most elderly Koreans still expect to live with a son, their adult children do not expect to live with their children when they grow old.
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In the United States, older people rarely live with their adult children. But in many other cultures children are expected to care (51) their aged parents. In some parts of Italy, the percentage of adult children who (52) with their parents reach 65 to 70 percent. In Thailand, too, children are expected to care for their elderly parents ;few Thai elderly live (53) . What explains these differences in living arrangements (54) cultures Modernization theory (55) the extended family household to low levels of economic development. In traditional societies, the elderly live with their children in large extended family units for economic reasons. But with modernization, children move to urban areas, leaving old people behind in (56) rural areas. Yet modernization theory cannot explain why extended family households were never common in the United States or England, or why families in Italy, which is fully modemized, (57) a strong tradition of intergenerational living. Clearly, economic development alone cannot explain (58) living arrangements. Another theory associated intergenerational living arrangements with inheritance patterns. In some cultures, the stem family pattem of inheritance predominates. (59) this system, parents live with a married child, usually the oldest son, who then (60) their property when they die. The stem family system was once common in Japan, but changes in inheritance laws, as well as broader social changes brought (61) by industrialization and urbanization, have (62) the tradition. In 1960about 80 percent of Japanese over 65 lived with their children; by 1990 only 60 percent did - a figure that is still high (63) U.S. standards, but which has been (64) steadily. In Korea, too, traditional living arrangements are (65) : the percentage of aged Koreans who live with a son declined from 77 percent in 1984 to 50 percent just 10 years later. Although most elderly Koreans still expect to live with a son, their adult children do not expect to live with their children when they grow old.
In the United States, older people rarely live with their adult children. But in many other cultures children are expected to care (51) their aged parents. In some parts of Italy, the percentage of adult children who (52) with their parents reach 65 to 70 percent. In Thailand, too, children are expected to care for their elderly parents ;few Thai elderly live (53) . What explains these differences in living arrangements (54) cultures Modernization theory (55) the extended family household to low levels of economic development. In traditional societies, the elderly live with their children in large extended family units for economic reasons. But with modernization, children move to urban areas, leaving old people behind in (56) rural areas. Yet modernization theory cannot explain why extended family households were never common in the United States or England, or why families in Italy, which is fully modemized, (57) a strong tradition of intergenerational living. Clearly, economic development alone cannot explain (58) living arrangements. Another theory associated intergenerational living arrangements with inheritance patterns. In some cultures, the stem family pattem of inheritance predominates. (59) this system, parents live with a married child, usually the oldest son, who then (60) their property when they die. The stem family system was once common in Japan, but changes in inheritance laws, as well as broader social changes brought (61) by industrialization and urbanization, have (62) the tradition. In 1960about 80 percent of Japanese over 65 lived with their children; by 1990 only 60 percent did - a figure that is still high (63) U.S. standards, but which has been (64) steadily. In Korea, too, traditional living arrangements are (65) : the percentage of aged Koreans who live with a son declined from 77 percent in 1984 to 50 percent just 10 years later. Although most elderly Koreans still expect to live with a son, their adult children do not expect to live with their children when they grow old.
In the United States, older people rarely live with their adult children. But in many other cultures children are expected to care (51) their aged parents. In some parts of Italy, the percentage of adult children who (52) with their parents reach 65 to 70 percent. In Thailand, too, children are expected to care for their elderly parents ;few Thai elderly live (53) . What explains these differences in living arrangements (54) cultures Modernization theory (55) the extended family household to low levels of economic development. In traditional societies, the elderly live with their children in large extended family units for economic reasons. But with modernization, children move to urban areas, leaving old people behind in (56) rural areas. Yet modernization theory cannot explain why extended family households were never common in the United States or England, or why families in Italy, which is fully modemized, (57) a strong tradition of intergenerational living. Clearly, economic development alone cannot explain (58) living arrangements. Another theory associated intergenerational living arrangements with inheritance patterns. In some cultures, the stem family pattem of inheritance predominates. (59) this system, parents live with a married child, usually the oldest son, who then (60) their property when they die. The stem family system was once common in Japan, but changes in inheritance laws, as well as broader social changes brought (61) by industrialization and urbanization, have (62) the tradition. In 1960about 80 percent of Japanese over 65 lived with their children; by 1990 only 60 percent did - a figure that is still high (63) U.S. standards, but which has been (64) steadily. In Korea, too, traditional living arrangements are (65) : the percentage of aged Koreans who live with a son declined from 77 percent in 1984 to 50 percent just 10 years later. Although most elderly Koreans still expect to live with a son, their adult children do not expect to live with their children when they grow old.
The Anti- Alcohol Campaign Tries in Russia Last week Russian President Dmitry Medvedev kicked off a new anti - alcohol campaign aimed at cutting the nation’s per capita consumption of alcohol by nearly a quarter by 2012. Russians currently drink about 18 liters (19 quarts) a year, more than double the 8 liters (8.4 quarts) deemed safe by the World Health Organization (WHO). With each additional liter, adds the WHO, men can subtract 11 months from their average life expectancy. The latest move consists of three parts: a media campaign, restrictions on beer consumption, and strict penalties for selling to minors. Russian officials plan to set up more than 500 health centers by the end of the year, complete with Soviet - era tactics like drawings of cimlosis (肝硬化) - stricken livers on their walls. Even with such aggressive measures, it’ s hardly the most ambitious campaign Russians has ever launched against drinking. Former leader Mikhail Gorbachev got alcohol sales to decline by 60 percent. Three years ago, a group of young Russians organized a sort of Vigilante (治安维持会成员)vice squad to single out and shame merchants who sold alcohol to minors. Supported by the Moscow city administration, the Solar Circle movement, as they called themselves, held rallies, and slapped leaflets on the shop doors of guilty establishments. They piqued (激起，激发) media interest at first, but the momentum soon fizzled (渐停，夭折). Some critics say that, while admirable: it hardly addresses the biggest culprit of all: vodka. "The main problem is the availability of hard liquor," says Aleksandr Nemtsov, a top Russian expert on alcohol policy. Some 70 percent of alcohol consumption in Russia is of the hard stuff, primarily vodka. One attempt, tried in the mid - 1990s, substituted beer as a less intoxicating non - liquor alternative. Instead, "beer has become a gateway opening the way to alcoholism for teenagers," says Oleg Zykov, a member of the Public Chamber. The earlier people start down that route, the more likely they are to end up grappling with (尽力解决) alcoholism problems later. Still, for now, Russians seem to support the government’ s new approach. As the National Center for the Study of Public Opinion reported last week, 65 percent of the population say they are in favor of the new measures - especially those that restrict alcohol sales to those under 21. (Right now, the drinking age is 18. ) which one of the following statements cannot be inferred from the passage
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