I first became aware of the unemployment problem in 1928. At that time I had just come back from Burma, where unemployment was only a word, and I had gone to Burma when I was still a boy and the post-war boom was not quite over. When I first saw unemployed men at close quarters, the thing that horrified and amazed me was to find that many of them were ashamed of being unemployed. I was very ignorant, but not so ignorant as to imagine that when the loss of foreign markets pushes two million men out of work, those two million are to blame. But at that time nobody cared to admit that unemployment was inevitable, because this meant admitting that it would probably continue. The middle classes were still talking about "lazy idle loafers on the dole" and saying that "these men could all find work if they wanted to," and naturally these opinions affected the working class themselves. I remember the shock of astonishment it gave me, when I first met with tramps and beggars, to find that a fair proportion, per- haps a quarter, of these beings whom I had been taught to regard as cynical parasites, were decent young miners and cotton workers gazing at their destiny with the same sort of dumb amazement as an animal in trap. They simply could not understand what was happening to them. They had been brought up to work, but it seemed as if they were never going to have the chance of working again. In their circumstance it was inevitable, at first, that they should be filled with a feeling of personal degradation. That was the attitude towards unemployment in those days: it was a disaster which happened to you as an individual and for which you were to blame. In the passage as a whole, the author’’s attitude to unemployment is _______.
A. that it was a disaster for which the individuals were to blame
B. the shock that it should have so degrading an effect on decent people
C. the astonishment that the unemployed cannot understand what had happened to them
D. the amazement that the loss of overseas trade can have such severe effects on the mining and cotton industries
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被背书人是指被记名受让票据或接受票据转让的人。( )
A. 对
B. 错
《唐律疏议·斗讼律》:“诸诬告人者,各反坐。诸告祖父母、父母者,绞。即嫡、继、慈母杀其父,及所养者杀其本生,并听告。诸部曲、奴婢告主,非谋反、逆、叛者,皆绞。诸投匿名书告人罪者,流二千里。诸被囚禁,不得告举他事。其为狱官酷己者,听之。即年八十以上,十岁以下及笃疾者,听告谋反、逆、叛、子孙不孝及同居之内为人侵犯者,余并不得告。诸以赦前事相告言者,以其罪罪之。” 请运用中国法制史的知识和理论,分析上述文字并回答下列问题: 对于“以赦前事相告者”的定罪处罚,唐律如何定罪处罚请说明原因。
商业汇票未到期,票据债务人可行使票据抗辩权。( )
A. 对
B. 错
The US vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling on governments to observe international law. After deliberately targeting the civilian public health infrastructure (建筑基础), the US military imposes a continuing economic blockade on Iraq which has directly resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of children. The US government is the primary financier and arms supplier for the decade-long Israeli war against the entire Palestinian people. The US armed forces and US-organized and/or US-financed ally or proxy forces have killed millions upon millions of civilians since the end of World War Ⅱ. This is the not-so-hidden meaning of the Stars and Stripes, as the vast majority of people around the world understand it. Now the US government has begun what it bills as an open-ended "War on Terrorism", which conveniently ignores the fact that in the late twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century it is the United States of America that, by its own definition, is the most prolific terrorist force in the world. At the same time US leaders are choosing to target whichever individuals, organizations, regimes and/or nation-states--among the wide array of opponents of US policies--are deemed most convenient this week, leaving the rest for next week, next year or the next decade. This is, of course, a recipe for a perpetual war, which is as well understood by President Bush and the other architects of the "New World Order", as it was by the architects of a similar project of world empire that was proudly proclaimed the Third Reich (希特勒的第三帝国), under a flag with a similarly not-so-hidden meaning. Perpetual war serves a number of purposes for the present administration. It is under wartime conditions that the US will, at least initially, face the least resistance as it finishes the now over two century-long processes of gutting the Bill of Rights and voiding the inconvenient parts of the US Constitution. It is under conditions of war that the campaign to defeat the anti-globalization movement can be fought with increasingly militant and dirty tactics. It is under wartime conditions that all opponents of US policies anywhere in the world, including within the US itself, can be most easily labeled "terrorist", at the same time that the mass media can be most easily mobilized as a total propaganda machine. And it is under conditions of war that the arms production, oil production and military technology corporations that funded President Bush’s election by the Supreme Court will be most handsomely rewarded without too many questions ever being asked. And best of all, wartime conditions lend themselves to the easy mobilization of xenophobic (仇视外国人的), politically reactionary, flag-waving patriotism. Which of the following is NOT what the perpetual war can do for the US according to the passage
A. Facing the least resistance as it avoids the most important part of the US Constitution.
B. Keeping the flag-waving patriotism always in full swing.
C. Labeling all opponents of US policies anywhere in the world "terrorists".
D. The easy mobilization of xenophobic, politically reactionary, flag-waving patriotism.