题目内容
When a disease of epidemic proportions threatens the public, scientists immediately get to work, trying to locate the source of affliction and find ways to combat. Vaccination is one of the effective ways to protect the (1) population of a region or country which may be (2) grave risk. The process of vaccination allows the patient’s body to (3) immunity to the virus or disease so that, if it is encountered, one can fight it (4) naturally. To accomplish this, a small weak or dead (5) of the disease is actually injected into the patient in a controlled environment, (6) his body’s immune system can learn to fight the invader (7) . Information (8) how to penetrate the disease’s defenses is (9) to all elements of the patient’s immune system in a process that occurs naturally, in which genetic information is passed from cell to cell. This makes sure that (10) the patient later come into contact with the real problem, his body is well equipped and trained to (11) with it, having already done so before.There are, however, dangers (12) in the process. (13) , even the weakened version of the disease contained in the vaccine proves (14) much for the body to handle, resulting in the immune system (15) , and, therefore, the patient’s death. Such is the case of the smallpox vaccine, (16) to eradicate the smallpox epidemic that nearly (17) the whole Native American population and killed massive numbers of settlers. (18) 1 in 10,000 people who receive the vaccine (19) the smallpox disease from the vaccine itself and dies from it. Consequently, the process, which is truly a (20) , may indeed hide some hidden curses. 19（）
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Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems.Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt.As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves.A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system--informal but religiously followed--through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability.As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan. The expression "the LDP mandarins" (Paragraph 4) most probably means（）
我国实行全国统一的对外贸易制度。( )
我国外贸法中规定了货物与技术自由进出口原则。( )
Some countries are more populous; some have more crime. But in no other country are crime fighters quite so knowledgeable about citizens as in Britain. On January 4th a boastful Home Office detailed the triumphs of the world’s biggest forensic DNA database, which holds samples from more than 5% of the entire population of England and Wales. Recent changes to the rules governing the database mean that it may eventually hold profiles from more than a fifth of all adults. Once a country starts storing DNA samples from criminals it is hard to resist the urge to expand the collection. When the National DNA Database (NDNAD) was set up in 1995, samples could only be taken from those charged with "recordable" offences. If a suspect was not tried, or was freed, the sample had to be destroyed and the profile removed from the database. That law was abandoned in 2001 , after two men who had been convicted of murder and rape had their cases overturned on appeal -the DNA evidence against them related to crimes they had not been convicted of, and so ought to have been removed from the database. The change has led to the retention of around 200,000 samples that would previously have been destroyed. Some 7,591 of these were subsequently matched with samples from crime scenes, including those from 88 murders and 116 rapes. And since April 2004, police have been able to take and keep samples from anyone arrested for a recordable offence, even if charges do not ensue. The main reason the NDNAD is larger than databases in other countries is that Britain was first to start using DNA as an investigative tool. So not only has it had time to collect more DNA samples, but it has also had longer to appreciate the sheer power of a large database. "Every other country that does data basing will get to where Britain is now," says Chris Asplen, a consultant to law enforcement agencies and governments on DNA technology. The increased use of DNA evidence has given rise to intriguing new courtroom defences. DNA tests are now so sensitive that they can detect if a person has sneezed or sweated near an object. John Swain, a barrister with a background in biochemistry, recently defended a man charged with armed robbery. The defendant’s DNA was on the gun that was used, but the defences argued that he might just have been near it after he had been to the gym, and that an errant bead of sweat could account for the presence of his DNA on a weapon he had never handled. He was declared not guilty. The case of two men who had been convicted of murder and rape in paragraph 3
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