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精美的艺术世界，是一个令人神往的奇妙世界。在这个世界中，相同时代和地域，或者不同时代和地域的作者与读者，都可以按不同的社会倾向和审美趣味，交换着对社会人生的体验，进行着心的交流。莎士比亚笔下的王子复仇，可以刺激东方的读者去思索世界的罪恶与正义;曹雪芹笔下的荣国府的盛衰，可以启迪今世的读者去体会人生的过去与未来。通过精美的艺术品，素不谋面的作者和读者足可以进行思想感情的传递和共鸣的。艺术，这精神世界中的一条流泻千里的大运河，可以沟通江、湖、海，可以沟通古、今、来。 艺术品的永恒魅力在于它可以使世世代代的欣赏者根据作品的形象和本人的素养，进行层出不穷的审美再创造。能够在艺术天地中，深切地领略那些伟大的心灵的人们，是幸福的。但是，并非人人皆有这种厚福，诚如马克思所说，“对于不辨音律的耳朵说来，最美的音乐也毫无意义。”一部《红楼梦》，已经流传了200余年。200年来，不同身分、不同眼光的读者对这部巨著发表了或是正确，或是隔膜，或是荒谬的五花入门的意见。当人们尚未掌握现代的科学的文学观念的时候，情形确实如同鲁迅所描述的那样：“单是命意.就因读者的眼光而有种种：经学家看见《易》，道学家看见淫，才子看见缠绵，革命家看见排满，流言家看见宫闱秘事……”。鲁迅在这段话的后面加了一串省略号，这就意味着这些话既没有把以往的种种意见囊括无遗，更无法穷尽今后将会大量出现的新的见解。 正因为一部艺术杰作产生之后，往往存在着这种读者与作者之间、读者与读者之间的矛盾，所以我国古代颇为重视高明的艺术欣赏，把它说成是知心、赏音、解味。刘勰的《文心雕龙》专设一章论述文学的鉴赏和批评，题为“知音”，一开头就感叹不已：“知音其难哉!音实难知，知实难逢。”中外艺术家皆期望知音的出现。法国雕塑家罗丹把艺术比作竖琴，通过琴弦的拨动引起世人的共鸣。我国人民更是把艺术创造者和艺术欣赏者这种声气相求、心心相印的关系，想象化和理想化为传颂千古的“高山流水”的故事。春秋时代的晋国上大夫伯牙学琴三年不成，跋涉千里，到东海蓬莱，闻海水澎湃、群鸟悲呜之声，心有所感，乃，援琴而歌， 自此琴艺大进。但是，艺术家的创造主要不是为了和自然交流心绪，而是要和人交流心绪，他们需要他人理解，需要他人分享愉快，需要他人与他们同哭同笑，同爱同憎， 同思同慕。因此， 当伯牙遇到种子期的时候，他用琴弦表达对高山的思念，子期赞道：“美哉洋洋乎，大人之意，在高山也。”他用琴.弦表达对流水的、赞美，子期又赞道：“美哉汤汤乎，志在流水。”他把这种知心之言，当成自己艺术创造的极好的报偿和满足，遂与子期结为异姓兄弟，到子期逝世之时，便碎瑶琴于他的祭案之上，流露出一种“斯人不重见，将老失知音”的难以慰藉的伤痛，难以平息的怅惘。音而有知.是艺术家的幸福：音而能知，是欣赏者的幸福。这种幸福的创造、再造和转让，构成了艺术世界的心的交流。 文中所引鲁迅的那段话，涉及对《红楼梦》命意的不同见解，在鲁迅和本文的作者看来，这些见解是否正确为什么(6分)
Into the Unknown The world has never seen population ageing before. Can it cope Until the early 1990s nobody much thought about whole populations getting older. The UN had the foresight to convene a “world assembly on ageing” back in 1982, but that came and went. By 1994 the World Bank had noticed that something big was happening. In a report entitled “Averting the Old Age Crisis”, it argued that pension arrangements in most countries were unsustainable. For the next ten years a succession of books, mainly by Americans, sounded the alarm. They had titles like Young vs Old, Gray Dawn and The Coming Generational Storm, and their message was blunt: health-care systems were heading for the rocks, pensioners were taking young people to the cleaners, and soon there would be intergenerational warfare. Since then the debate has become less emotional, not least because a lot more is known about the subject. Books, conferences and research papers have multiplied. International organisations such as the OECD and the EU issue regular reports. Population ageing is on every agenda, from G8 economic conferences to NATO summits. The World Economic Forum plans to consider the future of pensions and health care at its prestigious Davos conference early next year. The media, including this newspaper, are giving the subject extensive coverage. Whether all that attention has translated into sufficient action is another question. Governments in rich countries now accept that their pension and health-care promises will soon become unaffordable, and many of them have embarked on reforms, but so far only timidly. That is not surprising: politicians with an eye on the next election will hardly rush to introduce unpopular measures that may not bear fruit for years, perhaps decades. The outline of the changes needed is clear. To avoid fiscal (财政) meltdown, public pensions and health-care provision will have to be reined back severely and taxes may have to go up. By far the most effective method to restrain pension spending is to give people the opportunity to work longer, because it increases tax revenues and reduces spending on pensions at the same time. It may even keep them alive longer. John Rother, the AARP’s head of policy and strategy, points to studies showing that other things being equal, people who remain at work have lower death rates than their retired peers. Younger people today mostly accept that they will have to work for longer and that their pensions will be less generous. Employers still need to be persuaded that older workers are worth holding on to. That may be because they have had plenty of younger ones to choose from, partly thanks to the post-war baby-boom and partly because over the past few decades many more women have entered the labour force, increasing employers’ choice. But the reservoir of women able and willing to take up paid work is running low, and the baby-boomers are going grey. In many countries immigrants have been filling such gaps in the labour force as have already emerged (and remember that the real shortage is still around ten years off). Immigration in the developed world is the highest it has ever been, and it is making a useful difference. In still-fertile America it currently accounts for about 40% of total population growth, and in fast-ageing western Europe for about 90%. On the face of it, it seems the perfect solution. Many developing countries have lots of young people in need of jobs; many rich countries need helping hands that will boost tax revenues and keep up economic growth. But over the next few decades labour forces in rich countries are set to shrink so much that inflows of immigrants would have to increase enormously to compensate: to at least twice their current size in western Europe’s most youthful countries, and three times in the older ones. Japan would need a large multiple of the few immigrants it has at present. Public opinion polls show that people in most rich countries already think that immigration is too high. Further big increases would be politically unfeasible. To tackle the problem of ageing populations at its root, “old” countries would have to rejuvenate (使年轻) themselves by having more of their own children. A number of them have tried, some more successfully than others. But it is not a simple matter of offering financial incentives or providing more child care. Modern urban life in rich countries is not well adapted to large families. Women find it hard to combine family and career. They often compromise by having just one child. And if fertility in ageing countries does not pick up It will not be the end of the world, at least not for quite a while yet, but the world will slowly become a different place. Older societies may be less innovative and more strongly disinclined to take risks than younger ones. By 2025 at the latest, about half the voters in America and most of those in western European countries will be over 50—and older people turn out to vote in much greater number than younger ones. Academic studies have found no evidence so far that older voters have used their power at the ballot box to push for policies that specifically benefit them, though if in future there are many more of them they might start doing so. Nor is there any sign of the intergenerational warfare predicted in the 1990s. After all, older people themselves mostly have families. In a recent study of parents and grown-up children in 11 European countries, Karsten Hank of Mannheim University found that 85% of them lived within 25km of each other and the majority of them were in touch at least once a week. Even so, the shift in the centre of gravity to older age groups is bound to have a profound effect on societies, not just economically and politically but in all sorts of other ways too. Richard Jackson and Neil Howe of America’s CSIS, in a thoughtful book called The Graying of the Great Powers, argue that, among other things, the ageing of the developed countries will have a number of serious security implications. For example, the shortage of young adults is likely to make countries more reluctant to commit the few they have to military service. In the decades to 2050, America will find itself playing an ever-increasing role in the developed world’s defence effort. Because America’s population will still be growing when that of most other developed countries is shrinking, America will be the only developed country that still matters geopolitically (地缘政治上). Ask me in 2020 There is little that can be done to stop population ageing, so the world will have to live with it. But some of the consequences can be alleviated. Many experts now believe that given the right policies, the effects, though grave, need not be catastrophic. Most countries have recognised the need to do something and are beginning to act. But even then there is no guarantee that their efforts will work. What is happening now is historically unprecedented. Ronald Lee, director of the Centre on the Economics and Demography of Ageing at the University of California, Berkeley, puts it briefly and clearly: “We don’t really know what population ageing will be like, because nobody has done it yet. “ In its 1994 report, the World Bank argued that the current pension system in most countries could （）
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