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Women’s rights establish the same social, economic and political status for women as for men. Women’s rights guarantee that women will not face discrimination on the basis of their sex. Until the second half of the 20th century, women in most societies were denied some of the legal and political rights accorded to men. Although women in much of the world have gained significant legal rights, many people believe that women still do not have complete political, economic, and social equality with men. Throughout much of the history of Western civilization, deep-seated cultural beliefs allowed women only limited roles in society. Many people believed that women’s natural roles were as mothers and wives. These people considered women to be better suited for childbearing and homemaking rather than for involvement in the public life of business or politics. Widespread belief that women were intellectually inferior to men led most societies to limit women’s education to learning domestic skills. Well educated, upper-class men controlled most positions of employment and power in society. Until the 19th century, the denial of equal rights to women met with only occasional protest and drew little attention from most people. Because most women lacked the educational and economic resources that would enable them to challenge the prevailing social order, women generally accepted their inferior status as their only option. At this time, women shared these disadvantages with the majority of working class men, as many social, economic, and political rights were restricted to the wealthy elite. In the late 18th century in an attempt to remedy these inequalities among men, political theorists and philosophers asserted that all men were created equal and therefore were entitled to equal treatment under the law. In the 19th century, as governments in Europe and North America began to draft new laws guaranteeing equality among men, significant numbers of women--and some men--began to demand that women be accorded equal rights as well. At the same time, the Industrial Revolution in Europe and North America further divided the roles of men and women. Before the Industrial Revolution most people worked in fanning or crofts-making, both of which took place in or near the home. Men and women usually divided the numerous tasks among themselves and their children. Industrialization led male workers to seek employment outside of the home in factories and other large-scale enterprises. The growing split between home and work reinforced the idea that women’s rightful place was in the home, while men belonged in the public world of employment and politics. Up to Industrialization, women ______.
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Women’s rights establish the same social, economic and political status for women as for men. Women’s rights guarantee that women will not face discrimination on the basis of their sex. Until the second half of the 20th century, women in most societies were denied some of the legal and political rights accorded to men. Although women in much of the world have gained significant legal rights, many people believe that women still do not have complete political, economic, and social equality with men. Throughout much of the history of Western civilization, deep-seated cultural beliefs allowed women only limited roles in society. Many people believed that women’s natural roles were as mothers and wives. These people considered women to be better suited for childbearing and homemaking rather than for involvement in the public life of business or politics. Widespread belief that women were intellectually inferior to men led most societies to limit women’s education to learning domestic skills. Well educated, upper-class men controlled most positions of employment and power in society. Until the 19th century, the denial of equal rights to women met with only occasional protest and drew little attention from most people. Because most women lacked the educational and economic resources that would enable them to challenge the prevailing social order, women generally accepted their inferior status as their only option. At this time, women shared these disadvantages with the majority of working class men, as many social, economic, and political rights were restricted to the wealthy elite. In the late 18th century in an attempt to remedy these inequalities among men, political theorists and philosophers asserted that all men were created equal and therefore were entitled to equal treatment under the law. In the 19th century, as governments in Europe and North America began to draft new laws guaranteeing equality among men, significant numbers of women--and some men--began to demand that women be accorded equal rights as well. At the same time, the Industrial Revolution in Europe and North America further divided the roles of men and women. Before the Industrial Revolution most people worked in fanning or crofts-making, both of which took place in or near the home. Men and women usually divided the numerous tasks among themselves and their children. Industrialization led male workers to seek employment outside of the home in factories and other large-scale enterprises. The growing split between home and work reinforced the idea that women’s rightful place was in the home, while men belonged in the public world of employment and politics. The word "reinforce" (Line 7, Par
It is all very well to blame traffic congestion, the cost of petrol and the hectic pace of modem life, but manners on the roads are becoming deplorable. Everybody knows that the nicest men become monsters behind the wheel. It is all very well again to have a tiger in the tank, but to have one in the driver’s seat is another kettle of fish altogether. You might tolerate the odd road hog, but nowadays the well-mannered motorist is the exception to the rule. Perhaps the situation calls for a "Be Kind to Other Drivers" campaign, otherwise it may get completely out of hand. Road courtesy is not only good manners, but good sense too. It takes the most levelheaded and good-tempered of drivers to resist the temptation to retaliate when subjected to uncivilized behavior. On the other hand, a little courtesy goes a long way towards relieving the tensions and frustrations of motoring. A friendly nod or a wave of acknowledgement in response to an act of courtesy helps to create an atmosphere of goodwill and tolerance so necessary in modern traffic conditions. But such acknowledgements of courtesy are all too rare today. Many drivers nowadays don’t even seem able to recognize courtesy when they see it. Contrary to general opinion, young drivers (especially sports-car owners, who take pride in their driving) have better manners than their seniors. But this attitude is short- lived in the world of modem driving where many drivers neither expect nor give any quarter. This may be a commendable trait on the battlefield but is out of place on the roads. Lorry drivers say they have almost abandoned the practice of signaling cars to overtake when the road is clear, because many of the cars took too long to pass. Their drivers couldn’t be bothered to select a lower gear. Others, after overtaking, slowed down again and hogged the road. Again, a motoring magazine has recently drawn attention to the increasing number of drivers who never wait for gaps. "They manufacture them by force, using their direction indicators as a threat rather than a warning." Slanting matches and even punch-ups are quite common. It can’t be long before we hear of pistols and knives being used: we can then call our dual carriageways, and solve a spelling problem in the process. Driving is essentially a state of mind. However technically skilled a driver may be, he can’t be an advanced motorist if he is always arrogant and aggressive. According to the passage，a common example of bad manners on the roads is ______．
European farm ministers have ended three weeks of negotiations with a deal which they claim represents genuine reform of the common agricultural policy (CAP). Will it be enough to kick start the Doha world trade negotiations On the face of it, the deal agreed in the early hours of Thursday June 26th looks promising. Most subsidies linked to specific farm products are, at last, to be broken-- the idea is to replace these with a direct payment to farmers, unconnected to particular products. Support prices for several key products, including milk and butter, are to be cut--that should mean European prices eventually falling towards the world market level. Cutting the link between subsidy and production was the main objective of proposals put forward by Mr. Fischler, which had formed the starting point for the negotiations. The CAP is hugely unpopular around the world. It subsidizes European farmers to such an extent that they can undercut farmers from poor countries, who also face trade barriers that largely exclude them from the potentially lucrative European market. Farm trade is also a key feature of the Doha round of trade talks, launched under the auspices (主办) of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in November 2001. Developing countries have lined up alongside a number of industrial countries to demand an end to the massive subsidies Europe pays its farmers. Several Doha deadlines have already been missed because of the EU’s intransigence(不让步), and the survival of the talks will be at risk if no progress is made by September. when the world’s trade ministers meet in Cancùn, Mexico. But now even the French seem to have gone along with the deal hammered out in Luxembourg--up to a point, anyway. The package of measures gives the green light to the most eager reformers to move fast to implement the changes within their own countries. But there is an escape clause of sorts for the French and other reform-averse nations. They can delay implementation for up to two years. There is also a suggestion that the reforms might not apply where there is a chance that they would lead to a reduction in land under cultivation. These let-outs are potentially damaging for Europe’s negotiators in the Doha round. They could significantly reduce the cost savings that the reforms might otherwise generate and, in turn, keep European expenditure on farm support unacceptably high by world standards. More generally, the escape clauses could undermine the reforms by encouraging the suspicion that the new package will not deliver the changes that its supporters claim. Close analysis of what is inevitably a very complicated package might confirm the skeptics’ fears. In what case might the escape clauses apply in reform-averse nations.’
Bringing up children is a hard work，and you are often to blame for any bad behavior of your children．If so，Judith Rich has good news for you．Parents．she argues，have no important long-term effects on the development of the personality of their children. Far more important are their playground friends and neighborhood. Ms. Harris takes to hitting the assumption, which has dominated developmental psychology for almost half a century. Ms. Harris’s attack on the developmentalists’ "nature" argument looks likely to reinforce doubts that the profession was already having. If parents matter, why is it that two adopted children, reared in the same home, are no more similar in personality than two adopted children reared in separate homes Or that a pair of identical twins, reared in the same home, are no more alike than a pair of identical twins reared in different homes Difficult as it is to track the precise effects of parental upbringing, it may be harder to measure the exact influence of the peer group in childhood and adolescence. Ms. Harris points to how children from immigrant homes soon learn not to speak at school in the way their parents speak. But acquiring a language is surely a skill, rather than a characteristic of the sort developmental psychologists hunt for. Certainly it is different from growing tip tensely or relaxed, or from learning to be honest or hard working or generous. Easy though it may be to prove that parents have little impact on those qualities, it will be hard to prove that peers have vastly more. Moreover, mum and dad surely cannot be ditched completely. Young adults may, as Ms. Harris argues, be keen to appear like their peers. But even in those early years, parents have the power to open doors: they may initially choose the peers with whom their young associate, and pick that influential neighborhood. Moreover, most people suspect that they come to resemble their parents more in middle age and that people’s child bearing habits may be formed partly by what their parents did. So the balance of influences is probably complicated, as most parents already suspected without being able to demonstrate it scientifically. Even if it turns out that the genes they pass on and the friends their children play with matter as much as affection, discipline and good example, parents are not completely off the hook. What is the author’s main purpose
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