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We may all like to consider ourselves free spirits. But a study of the traces left by 50,000 cellphone users over three months has conclusively proved that the truth is otherwise. "We are all in one way or another boring," says Alhert-László Barabási at the Center for Complex Network Research at Northeastern University in Boston, who co-wrote the study. "Spontaneous individuals are largely absent from the population." Barabási and colleagues used three months’ worth of data from a cellphone network to track the cellphone towers each person’s phone connected to each hour of the day, revealing their approximate location. They conclude that regardless of whether a person typically remains close to home or roams far and wide, their movements are theoretically predictable as much as 93 per cent of the time. Surprisingly, the cellphone data showed that individuals’movements were more or less as predictable at week ends as on weekdays, suggesting that routine is rooted in human nature rather than being an effect of work patterns. The cellphone records were processed to identify the most visited locations for each user. Then the probability of finding a given user at his or her most visited locations at each hour through the day was calculated. People were to be found in their most visited location for any given hour 70 per cent of the time. Not surprisingly, the figure increased at night, and decreased at lunchtime and in the early evening, when most people were returning home from work. The team analysed the randomness(随意的) of people’s traces to show it was theoretically possible to predict the average person’s whereabouts as much as 93 per cent of the time. "Say your routine movement is from home to the coffee shop to work: if you are at home and then go to the coffee shop it’s easy for me to predict that you are going to work," says co-author Nicholas Blumm. This predictability was not much affected by differences in age, gender, language spoken or whether a person lived in a rural or urban setting. What is the passage mainly about
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How’s this for unintended consequences Some of the biggest beneficiaries(受惠者) of the women’s movement have been married men. According to a new study by the Pew Research Center, married men have a 60% higher average household income than they did in 1970, even adjusted for inflation. Unmarried men, on the other hand, only got a 16% bump. One reason for the rise is that more men are marrying women who make more money than they do, mainly because there are more high-income women to go around. In 1970, just 4% of men ages 30 to 44 had wives who brought in more money than they did. By 2007, more than a fifth of men in that age range had wives who out-earned them. Members of this thriving demographic(人口统计学的) are effectively doubling their income or more when they wed, without doubling their costs. Aside from the increase in white-collar women, the other trend behind the Pew numbers is that marriage rates have declined most sharply among the least educated men and women, which helps explain why the average household income figures for married men have pulled even further ahead of those for their single counterparts. More of the least rich are unmarried than before. The study, which drew on household income data from the Decennial Census and the 2007 American Community Survey, showed that the biggest gainers were married college-educated men. The biggest losers were unmarried men who did not complete high school or who only had a high school diploma. After adjusting for inflation, the 2007 unmarried low-income men and women had lower household incomes than their 1970 counterparts. "The steeper decline in marriage among the less educated has contributed to a steeper decline in their income," says one of the study’s authors, D’Vera Cohn. The trend has a dark side, says Dalton Conley, social sciences dean at New York University. "High-income women marrying high-income men is one of the drivers of inequality," he says. "It affects the distribution of income between families." He notes that among college-educated high-income couples, the divorce rate is getting lower, while unmarried low-income men and women tend to partner up and then uncouple more rapidly. "This leads to family instability and a cycle of disadvantage," says Conley. What does Conley imply by saying "This leads to family instability"
How’s this for unintended consequences Some of the biggest beneficiaries(受惠者) of the women’s movement have been married men. According to a new study by the Pew Research Center, married men have a 60% higher average household income than they did in 1970, even adjusted for inflation. Unmarried men, on the other hand, only got a 16% bump. One reason for the rise is that more men are marrying women who make more money than they do, mainly because there are more high-income women to go around. In 1970, just 4% of men ages 30 to 44 had wives who brought in more money than they did. By 2007, more than a fifth of men in that age range had wives who out-earned them. Members of this thriving demographic(人口统计学的) are effectively doubling their income or more when they wed, without doubling their costs. Aside from the increase in white-collar women, the other trend behind the Pew numbers is that marriage rates have declined most sharply among the least educated men and women, which helps explain why the average household income figures for married men have pulled even further ahead of those for their single counterparts. More of the least rich are unmarried than before. The study, which drew on household income data from the Decennial Census and the 2007 American Community Survey, showed that the biggest gainers were married college-educated men. The biggest losers were unmarried men who did not complete high school or who only had a high school diploma. After adjusting for inflation, the 2007 unmarried low-income men and women had lower household incomes than their 1970 counterparts. "The steeper decline in marriage among the less educated has contributed to a steeper decline in their income," says one of the study’s authors, D’Vera Cohn. The trend has a dark side, says Dalton Conley, social sciences dean at New York University. "High-income women marrying high-income men is one of the drivers of inequality," he says. "It affects the distribution of income between families." He notes that among college-educated high-income couples, the divorce rate is getting lower, while unmarried low-income men and women tend to partner up and then uncouple more rapidly. "This leads to family instability and a cycle of disadvantage," says Conley. Compared with the 1970 unmarried low-income men, their 2007 counterparts______.
How’s this for unintended consequences Some of the biggest beneficiaries(受惠者) of the women’s movement have been married men. According to a new study by the Pew Research Center, married men have a 60% higher average household income than they did in 1970, even adjusted for inflation. Unmarried men, on the other hand, only got a 16% bump. One reason for the rise is that more men are marrying women who make more money than they do, mainly because there are more high-income women to go around. In 1970, just 4% of men ages 30 to 44 had wives who brought in more money than they did. By 2007, more than a fifth of men in that age range had wives who out-earned them. Members of this thriving demographic(人口统计学的) are effectively doubling their income or more when they wed, without doubling their costs. Aside from the increase in white-collar women, the other trend behind the Pew numbers is that marriage rates have declined most sharply among the least educated men and women, which helps explain why the average household income figures for married men have pulled even further ahead of those for their single counterparts. More of the least rich are unmarried than before. The study, which drew on household income data from the Decennial Census and the 2007 American Community Survey, showed that the biggest gainers were married college-educated men. The biggest losers were unmarried men who did not complete high school or who only had a high school diploma. After adjusting for inflation, the 2007 unmarried low-income men and women had lower household incomes than their 1970 counterparts. "The steeper decline in marriage among the less educated has contributed to a steeper decline in their income," says one of the study’s authors, D’Vera Cohn. The trend has a dark side, says Dalton Conley, social sciences dean at New York University. "High-income women marrying high-income men is one of the drivers of inequality," he says. "It affects the distribution of income between families." He notes that among college-educated high-income couples, the divorce rate is getting lower, while unmarried low-income men and women tend to partner up and then uncouple more rapidly. "This leads to family instability and a cycle of disadvantage," says Conley. It is found by the Pew Research Center that more and more of the least educated men
We may all like to consider ourselves free spirits. But a study of the traces left by 50,000 cellphone users over three months has conclusively proved that the truth is otherwise. "We are all in one way or another boring," says Alhert-László Barabási at the Center for Complex Network Research at Northeastern University in Boston, who co-wrote the study. "Spontaneous individuals are largely absent from the population." Barabási and colleagues used three months’ worth of data from a cellphone network to track the cellphone towers each person’s phone connected to each hour of the day, revealing their approximate location. They conclude that regardless of whether a person typically remains close to home or roams far and wide, their movements are theoretically predictable as much as 93 per cent of the time. Surprisingly, the cellphone data showed that individuals’movements were more or less as predictable at week ends as on weekdays, suggesting that routine is rooted in human nature rather than being an effect of work patterns. The cellphone records were processed to identify the most visited locations for each user. Then the probability of finding a given user at his or her most visited locations at each hour through the day was calculated. People were to be found in their most visited location for any given hour 70 per cent of the time. Not surprisingly, the figure increased at night, and decreased at lunchtime and in the early evening, when most people were returning home from work. The team analysed the randomness(随意的) of people’s traces to show it was theoretically possible to predict the average person’s whereabouts as much as 93 per cent of the time. "Say your routine movement is from home to the coffee shop to work: if you are at home and then go to the coffee shop it’s easy for me to predict that you are going to work," says co-author Nicholas Blumm. This predictability was not much affected by differences in age, gender, language spoken or whether a person lived in a rural or urban setting. According to the sixth paragraph, a person is more likely to ______ at night than in the early evening.
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