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To produce the upheaval (激变) in the United States that changed and modernized the domain of higher education from the mid-1860s to the mid-1880s, three primary causes interacted. The (1) of a half-dozen leaders in education provided the personal force that was needed. (2) , an outcry (呐喊) for a fresher, more practical, and more advanced kind of instruction (3) among the alumni (校友) and friends of nearly all of the old colleges and grew into a movement that overrode (压倒) all (4) opposition. The aggressive "Young Yale" movement appeared, demanding partial alumni control, a more (5) spirit, and a broader course of study. The graduates of Harvard College simultaneously (6) to relieve the college’s poverty and demand new (7) . Education was pushing toward higher standards in the East by (8) off church leadership everywhere, and in the West by finding a wider range of studies and a new (9) of public duty.The old-style classical education received its most crushing (10) in the citadel (城堡) of Harvard College, (11) Dr. Charles Eliot, a young captain of thirty-five, son of a former treasurer of Harvard, led the (12) forces. Five revolutionary advances were made during the first years of Dr. Eliot’s (13) They were the elevation and amplification of entrance requirements, the enlargement of the (14) and the development of the (15) system, the recognition of graduate study in the liberal arts, the raising of professional training in law, medicine, and engineering to a postgraduate level, and the fostering (培养) of greater (16) in student life. Standard of admission were sharply advanced in 1872—1877. (17) the appointment of a clean (院长) to take charge of student affairs, and a wise handling of (18) , the undergraduates were led to regard themselves more as young gentlemen and (19) as young animals. One new course of study after another was (20) —science, music, the history of the fine arts, advanced Spanish, political economy, physics and international law. Read the following text. Choose the best word (s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1.13（）
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股指期货投资者适当性制度对投资者的各项要求以及依据制度进行的评价，不构成投资建议，不构成对投资者的获利保证。（）
A field is simply a social system of relations between individuals or institutions who are competing for the same stake. An example of a field may be higher education, colleges, and universities. Habitus is a set of potential dispositions, an internalized set of taken-for-granted rules that govern strategies, and social practices that individuals in some respects carry with them into any field. There is a system of unspoken rules and generally unspeakable rules. They are unspeakable because it is understood that it would be rude or socially punishable to try to talk about those rules. Or, in some cases individuals within a habitus cannot even articulate those arbitrary rules because they are unaware of them. That is, these rules may feel so natural and normalized that they seem as though they are the way things should be and always have been. An example of an unspeakable rule might be that a person should never discuss class privilege, as opposed to hard work, as contributing to the success of an individual when talking about the accomplishments of the middle class within a middle-class field. However, within a working-class field of manual laborers, this may not be a forbidden topic of discussion. Judith Butler outlined a feminist theory of embodied practice in identity formation. She stated that our sense of identities is formed through repeated daily and everyday constrained and emancipatory performative practices through our bodies. Through the process of repeated performances, ways of being in the world become sedimented, that is layered and accumulated to the extent that these practices become a part of who we are and how we perceive ourselves to be in the world. Butler’s insights about performativity, the body, and identity are particularly informative of working-class identity formations that are literally embodied within the physical capacity to do manual labor. Butler’s notion of performative identity gives me insight into my own identity development and the discomforts and constraints I have felt within academia, where the mind is privileged over the body in ways that almost obliterate the body. At the same time, the ideology of mind over body seems hypocritical when one examines the class distinctions made through the embedded middle-class practices, in short, the habitus, of the majority of university professors. Many first-generation college students in my classes, especially those who are from working-class backgrounds, report shock, dismay, and anger at the level of classism and racism that exists among faculty, whom they assumed to be educated and to value egalitarian principles. Many students express their frustration at not knowing the habitus of the middle class, yet feel its exclusionary, embodied power. They express even more frustration that the middle class also seems unaware of its own unspoken rules and habitus. Though they can start a conversation about race, they don’t know how to talk about class in a meaningful way, one that helps their fellow students to understand the naturalized class distinctions within our culture. Class is America’s dirty little secret. Some people aren’t even aware of the habitus because
In a provocative new book The Beauty Bias, Deborah Rhode, a Stanford law professor who proposes a legal regime in which discrimination on the basis of looks is as serious as discrimination based on gender or race, lays out the case for an America in which appearance discrimination is no longer allowed. Rhode is at her most persuasive when arguing that in America, discrimination against unattractive women and short men is as pernicious and widespread as bias based on race, sex, age, ethnicity, religion, and disability. Rhode cites research to prove her point: 11 percent of surveyed couples say they would abort a fetus predisposed toward obesity. College students tell surveyors they’d rather have a spouse who is an embezzler, drug user, or a shoplifter than one who is obese. The less attractive you are in America, the more likely you are to receive a longer prison sentence, a lower damage award, a lower salary, and poorer performance reviews. You are less likely to be married and more likely to be poor. And all of this is compounded by a virtually unregulated beauty and diet industry and soaring rates of elective cosmetic surgery. Rhode reminds us how Hillary Clinton and Sonia Sotomayor were savaged by the media for their looks, and says it’s no surprise that Sarah Palin paid her makeup artist more than any member of her staff in her run for the vice presidency. Critics such as Andrew Sullivan claim that if we legally ban appearance discrimination, the next step will be legal protection of "the short, the skinny, the bald, the knobbly kneed, the flat-chested and the stupid. " But Rhode points out that there are already laws against appearance discrimination on the books in Michigan and six other locales. This hasn’t resulted in an explosion of frivolous suits, she notes. In each jurisdiction the new laws have generated between zero and nine cases annually. Of course the problem with making appearance discrimination illegal is that Americans just really, really like hot girls. And so long as being a hot girl is deemed a bona fide occupational qualification, there will be cocktail waitresses fired for gaining three pounds. It’s not just American men who like things this way. In the most troubling chapter in her book, Rhode explores the feminist movement’s complicated relationship to eternal youth. The truth is that women feel good about competing in beauty pageants. They love six-inch heels. They feel beautiful after cosmetic surgery. You can’t succeed in public life if you look old in America. This doesn’t mean we shouldn’t work toward eradicating discrimination based on appearance. But it may mean recognizing that the law won’t stop us from discriminating against the overweight, the aging, and the imperfect, so long as it’s the quality we all hate most in ourselves. Rhode tries to argue that appearance discrimination
Thanks to the rise of social media, news is no longer gathered exclusively by reporters and turned into a story but emerges from an ecosystem in which journalists, sources, readers and viewers exchange information. The change began around 1999, when blogging tools first became widely available, says Jay Rosen, professor of journalism at New York University. The result was "the shift of the tools of production to the people formerly known as the audience," he says.(41) ______.At first many news organisations were openly hostile towards these new tools. In America the high point of the antagonism between bloggers and the mainstream media was in late 2004, when "60 Minutes", an evening news show on CBS, alleged on the basis of leaked memos that George Bush junior had used family connections to win favourable treatment in the Air National Guard in the 1970s. (42) ______ CBS retracted the story and Dan Rather, one of the most respected names in American news, resigned as the show’s anchor in early 2005.(43) ______ Newspapers and news channels have since launched blogs of their own, hired many bloggers and allowed readers to leave comments. They also invite pictures, video and other contributions from readers and seek out material published on the Internet, thus incorporating non-journalists into the news system.(44) ______ "We see these things as being highly complementary to what we do," says Martin Nisenholtz of the New York Times. Many journalists who were dismissive about social media have changed their tune in the past few months as their value became apparent in the coverage of the Arab uprisings and the Japanese earthquake, says Liz Heron, social-media editor at the New York Times.Rather than thinking of themselves as setting the agenda and managing the conversation, news organisations need to recognise that journalism is now just part of a conversation that is going on anyway, argues Jeff Jarvis, a media guru at the City University of New York. (45) ______. All this requires journalists to admit that they do not have a monopoly on wisdom. "Ten years ago that was a terribly threatening idea, and it still is to some people," says the Guardian’s Alan Rusbridger. "But in the real world the aggregate of what people know is going to be, in most cases, more than we know inside the building. "[A] Journalists are becoming more inclined to see blogs, Facebook, Twitter and other forms of social media as a valuable adjunct to traditional media (and sometimes a corrective to them).[B] The role of journalists in this new world is to add value to the conversation by providing reporting, context, analysis, verification and debunking, and by making available tools and platforms that allow people to participate.[C] By providing more raw material than ever from which to distil the news, social media have both done away with editors and shown up the need for them.[D] This was followed by a further shift: the rise of "horizontal media" that made it quick and easy for anyone to share links (via Facebook or Twitter, for example) with large numbers of people without the involvement of a traditional media organisation. In other words, people can collectively act as a broadcast network.[E] With a single click of a Facebook "Like" button, for example, you can recommend a story, video or slideshow to your entire network of friends.[F] Bloggers immediately questioned the authenticity of the memos. A former CBS News executive derided blogging as "a guy sitting in his living room in his pyjamas writing what he thinks". But the bloggers were right.[G] But in the past few years mainstream media organisations have changed their attitude. The success of the Huffington Post (博客网站), which launched in May 2005 with a combination of original reporting by members of staff, blog posts from volunteers (including many celebrity friends of Arianna Huffington’s, the site’s co-founder) and links to news stories on other sites, showed the appeal of what Ms Huffington calls a "hybrid" approach that melds old and new, professional and amateur. 42
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