People do not have secret trolleys at the supermarket, so how can it be a violation of their privacy if a grocer sells their purchasing habits to a marketing firm If they walk around in public view, what harm can cameras recording their movements cause A company is paying them to do a job, so why should it not read their e-mails when they are at work How, what and why, indeed. Yet, in all these situations, most people feel a sense of unease. The technology for gathering, storing, manipulating and sharing information has become part of the scenery, but there is little guidance on how to resolve the conflicts created by all the personal data now washing around. The author in the end of the passage ______ the idea of applying contextual integrity to issues concerning privacy. [A] approves of [B] disagrees with [C] is critical of [D] is indifferent to
A group of computer scientists at Stanford University, led by John. Mitchell, has started to address the problem in a novel way. Instead of relying on rigid (and easily programmable) codes of what is and is not acceptable, Dr. Mitchell and his colleagues Adam Barth and Anupam Datta have turned to a philosophical theory called contextual integrity. This theory acknowledges that people do not require complete privacy. They will happily share information with others as long as certain social norms are met. Only when these norms are contravened--for example, when your psychiatrist tells the personnel department all about your consultation--has your privacy been invaded. The team think contextual integrity can be used to express the conventions and laws surrounding privacy in the formal vernacular of a computer language.
B. Contextual integrity, which was developed by Helen Nissenbaum of New York University, relies on four classes of variable. These are the context of a flow of information, the capacities in which the individuals sending and receiving the information are acting, the types of information involved, and what she calls the "principle of transmission".
C. It is the fourth of these variables that describes the basis on which information flows. Someone might, for example, receive information under the terms of a commercial exchange, or because he deserves it, or because someone chose to share it with him, or because it came to him as a legal right, or because he promised to keep it secret. These are all examples of transmission principles.
Dr. Nissenbaum has been working with Mr. Barth to turn these wordy descriptions of the variables of contextual integrity into formal expressions that can be incorporated into computer programs. The tool Mr. Barth is employing to effect this transition is linear temporal logic, a system of mathematical logic that can express detailed constraints on the past and the future.
E. Linear temporal logic is an established discipline. It is, for example, used to test safety critical systems, such as aeroplane flight controls. The main difference between computer programs based on linear temporal logic and those using other sorts of programming language is that the former describe how the world ought to be, whereas the latter list specific instructions for the computer to carry out in order to achieve a particular end. The former say something like: "If you need milk, you ought eventually to arrive at the shop. "The latter might say: "Check the refrigerator. If there is no milk, get in your car. Start driving. Turn left at the corner. Park. Walk into the shop."
F. Dr. Mitchell and his team have already written logical formulae that they believe express a number of American privacy laws, including those covering health care, financial institutions and children’s activities online. The principles of transmission can be expressed in logical terms by using concepts such as "previously" and "eventually" as a type of mathematical operator. (They are thus acting as the equivalents of the "plus", "minus", " multiply" and "divide" signs in that more familiar system of logic known as arithmetic.) For example, the Gramm-Leaeh-Bliley act states that "a financial institution may not disclose personal information, unless such financial institution provides or has provided to the consumer a notice. "This is expressed as:
G. IF send (financial-institution, third-party, personal-information)
H. THEN PREVIOUSLY send (financial-institution, consumer, notification)
I. OR EVENTUALLY send (financial-institution, consumer, notification)According to Dr. Nissenbaum, applying contextual integrity to questions of privacy not only results in better handling of those questions, but also helps to pinpoint why new methods of gathering information provoke indignation. In a world where the ability to handle data is rapidly outpacing agreement about how that ability should be used, this alone is surely reason to study it.
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In sixteenth-century Italy and eighteenth-century France, waning prosperity and increasing social unrest led the ruling families to try to preserve their superiority by withdrawing from the lower and middle classes behind barriers of etiquette. In a prosperous community, on the other hand, polite society soon adsorbs the newly rich, and in England there has never been any shortage of books on etiquette for teaching them the manners appropriate to their new way of life. Every code of etiquette has contained three elements: basic moral duties; practical rules which promote efficiency; and artificial, optional graces such as formal compliments to, say, women on their beauty or superiors on their generosity and importance. In the first category are considerations for the weak and respect for age. Among the ancient Egyptians the young always stood in the presence of older people. Among the Mponguwe of Tanzaia, the young men bow as they pass the huts of the elders. In England, until about a century ago, young children did not sit in their parents’ presence without asking permission. Practical rules are helpful in such ordinary occurrences of social life as making proper introductions at parties or other functions so that people can be brought to know each other. Before the invention of the fork, etiquette directed that the fingers should be kept as clean as possible; before the handkerchief came into common use, etiquette suggested that after spitting, a person should rub the spit inconspicuously underfoot. Extremely refined behavior, however, cultivated as an art of gracious living, has been characteristic only of societies with wealth and leisure, which admitted women as the social equals of men. After the fall of Rome, the first European society to regulate behavior in private life in accordance with a complicated code of etiquette was twelfth-century Province, in France. Provinces had become wealthy. The lords had returned to their castle from the crusades, and there the ideals of chivalry grew up, which emphasized the virtue and gentleness of women and demanded that a knight should profess a pure and dedicated love to a lady who would be his inspiration, and to whom he would dedicate his valiant deeds, though he would never come physically close to her. This was the introduction of the concept of romantic love, which was to influence literature for many hundreds of years and which still lives on in a debased form in simple popular songs and cheap novels today. In Renaissance Italy too, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a wealthy and leisured society developed an extremely complex code of manners, but the rules of behavior of fashionable society had little influence on the daily life of the lower classes. Indeed many of the rules, such as how to enter a banquet room, or how to use a sword or handkerchief for ceremonial purposes, were irrelevant to the way of life of the average working man, who spent most of his life outdoors or in his own poor hut and most probably did not have a handkerchief, certainly not a sword, to his name. Yet the essential basis of all good manners does not vary. Consideration for the old and weak and the avoidance of banning or giving unnecessary offence to others is a feature of all societies everywhere and at all levels from the highest to the lowest. Etiquette as an art of gracious living is quoted as a feature of which country
A. Egypt
B. 18th century France
C. Renaissance Italy
D. England
The objective of the Chartist Movement was democratic rights for all men, and it took its name from"
A. The Bill of Rights
B. The Agreement of the People
C. The People’s Charter
D. The Great Charter
Who is considered as an initiator of the "stream of consciousness" literature in the 20th century
A. [A] John Galsworthy. [B] Virginia Woolf.
B. [C] Henry James. [D] T. S. Eliot.
Frederic Chopin was born in Zelazowa Wola, Poland, on February 22, 1810, to a French father and Polish mother. His father, Nicholas Chopin, was a French tutor to many aristocratic Polish families, later accepting a position as a French teacher at the Warsaw Lyceum. Chopin composed "Ballade in F Minor" most probably in [A] Poland. [B] France. [C] Scotland. [D] Vienna.
Although Chopin later attended the Lyceum where his father taught, his early training began at home. This included receiving piano lessons from his mother. By the age of six, Chopin was creating original pieces, showing innate prodigious musical ability. His parents arranged for the young Chopin to take piano instruction from Wojciech Zywny.
B. When Chopin was sixteen, he attended the Warsaw Conservatory of Music, directed by composer Joseph Elsner. Elsner, like Zywny, insisted on the traditional training associated with Classical music but allowed his students to investigate the more original imaginations of the Romantic style as well.As often happened with the young musicians of both the Classical and Romantic Periods, Chopin was sent to Vienna, the unquestioned center of music for that day. He gave piano concerts and then arranged to have his pieces published by a Viennese publishing house there. While Chopin was in Austria, Poland and Russia faced off in the apparent beginnings of war. He returned to Warsaw to get his things in preparation of a more permanent move. while there, his friends gave him a silver goblet filled with Polish soil. He kept it always, as he was never able to return to his beloved Poland.
C. French by heritage, and desirous of finding musical acceptance from a less traditional audience than that of Vienna, Chopin ventured to Paris. Interestingly, other young musicians had assembled in the city of fashion with the very same hope. Chopin joined Franz Liszt, Hector Berlioz, Vincenzo Bellini, all proponents of the "new" Romantic style.Although Chopin did play in the large concert halls on occasion, he felt most at home in private settings, enjoying the social milieu that accompanied concerts for the wealthy. He also enjoyed teaching, as this caused him less stress than performing. Chopin did not feel that his delicate technique and intricate melodies were as suited to the grandiose hall as they were to smaller environments and audiences.
D. News of the war in Poland inspired Chopin to write many sad musical pieces expressing his grief for "his" Poland. Among these was the famous "Revolutionary Etude." Plagued by poor health as well as his homesickness, Chop in found solace in summer visits to the country. Here, his most complex yet harmonic creations found their way to the brilliant composer’s hand. The "Fantasia in F Minor," the "Barcarolle," the "Polonaise Fantasia," "Ballade in A Flat Major," "Ballade in F Minor," and "Sonata in B Minor" were all products of the relaxed time Chopin enjoyed in the country.As the war continued in Warsaw and then reached Paris, Chopin retired to Scotland with friends. Although he was far beyond the reach of the revolution, his melancholy attitude did not improve and he sank deeper into a depression. Likewise, his health did not rejuvenate either. A window in the fighting made it possible for Chopin to return to Paris as his health deteriorated further. Surrounded by those that he loved, Frederic Francois Chopin died at the age of 39. He was buried in Paris.
E. Chopin’s last request was that the Polish soil in the silver goblet be sprinkled over his grave.