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Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can differentiatenot only between historiographies on a sub-national level likevillages and cities, but units on a supra-national level. Applied to concrete formsLine of historiography, however, we confront at least three kinds of problems that(5) complicate this scheme, the first of which, the ideological load of some spatialconcepts, was put on the agenda by Edward Said’s analysis of the notion of the"Orient". Said has shown that though most spatial concepts initially appear quiteneutral and innocent, they often carry important ideological and politicalimplications. Like "the Orient", the notion of "the primitive", "the savage"(10) and the "barbarian" have fulfilled similar ideological functions in the colonialencounter, because—like "the Orient"—they were used as the justification ofthe domination of "the primitive" by its supposed opposite: the "civilized" partof the world.The second problem is that the spatial scope of a historical work is not(15) always what it seems, especially instances when we would like to assess therelationship between regional and national historiographies. The microcosm ofthe region functions may sometimes be substituted illegitimately for themacrocosm of the nation—take for instance, the confusion of Holland for thewhole of the Netherlands, a problem that has complicated the classification of(20) historiographies on basis of spatial markers. The third and perhaps mosttroubling problem in our spatial scheme is the essentially contested character ofits central concept: the nation. The nation belongs to the same category asnotions like "freedom" and "democracy" that also refuse unambiguous definitionand the fundamental problem in the discourse on the nation is that the nation(25) does not necessarily coincide with the state or even with the nation-state.Sometimes spatial units at a sub-state level, like provinces or tribal areas arerepresented as nations, and sometimes nations are represented as supra-nationalunits, units exceeding the borders of a nation-state.It is not the task of professional historians to solve these practical issues—(30) this is a matter of politics—but to clarify the different historical representationsin each case. Historians do not have a special task in solving political problems,but as professional specialists of the past they have the task of clarifying thehistorical roots of political problems, a practice that amounts to theidentification and the integration of the different and often conflicting(35) perspectives pertaining to present day issues. It is neither realistic norreasonable to expect consensus in historiography; as in politics, the most wecan strive for is a sound knowledge of the different points of view, leading to amaximum of empathy and to mutual understanding of past and present positions. The author mentions all of the following as examples of complications arising from the application of spatial markers EXCEPT（）
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Carl Jung’s well-documented break with Sigmund Freud occurred becauseof Jung’s inability and unwillingness to accept Freud’s view of the libido as thesexual drive of fulfillment. Believing that the libido, or the urge towards life,Line extended beyond mere sexuality to a hypothetical elan vital, or life energy(5) itself, Jung stressed a widened consciousness whereby the individual seeks toreconcile the opposites of his or her libidial nature that dwell in the conscious aswell as the personal and collective unconscious.Jung defines this consciousness, moreover, as the center of the ego, andthe personal unconscious as a repository of repressed personal experiences or(10) complexes that must be made conscious. Finally, the collective unconscious isan archive of hereditary symbolic archetypes that express themselves indreams, fantasies, and actions, and must also be made conscious. Jungpostulated that these archetypal patterns must be integrated into the world ofthe ego, which is then forced to acknowledge for these reasons that the ego-(15) centered consciousness is not really self-sufficient and does not existindependently and alone, but is guided by an integrating factor not of its ownmaking. According to the passage, the collective unconscious and the personal andunconscious have in common which of the following（）
从事生产、经营的纳税人外出经营，在同一地累计超过( )的，应当在营业地办理税务登记手续。
Taking the nation-state as our point of spatial reference, we can differentiatenot only between historiographies on a sub-national level likevillages and cities, but units on a supra-national level. Applied to concrete formsLine of historiography, however, we confront at least three kinds of problems that(5) complicate this scheme, the first of which, the ideological load of some spatialconcepts, was put on the agenda by Edward Said’s analysis of the notion of the"Orient". Said has shown that though most spatial concepts initially appear quiteneutral and innocent, they often carry important ideological and politicalimplications. Like "the Orient", the notion of "the primitive", "the savage"(10) and the "barbarian" have fulfilled similar ideological functions in the colonialencounter, because—like "the Orient"—they were used as the justification ofthe domination of "the primitive" by its supposed opposite: the "civilized" partof the world.The second problem is that the spatial scope of a historical work is not(15) always what it seems, especially instances when we would like to assess therelationship between regional and national historiographies. The microcosm ofthe region functions may sometimes be substituted illegitimately for themacrocosm of the nation—take for instance, the confusion of Holland for thewhole of the Netherlands, a problem that has complicated the classification of(20) historiographies on basis of spatial markers. The third and perhaps mosttroubling problem in our spatial scheme is the essentially contested character ofits central concept: the nation. The nation belongs to the same category asnotions like "freedom" and "democracy" that also refuse unambiguous definitionand the fundamental problem in the discourse on the nation is that the nation(25) does not necessarily coincide with the state or even with the nation-state.Sometimes spatial units at a sub-state level, like provinces or tribal areas arerepresented as nations, and sometimes nations are represented as supra-nationalunits, units exceeding the borders of a nation-state.It is not the task of professional historians to solve these practical issues—(30) this is a matter of politics—but to clarify the different historical representationsin each case. Historians do not have a special task in solving political problems,but as professional specialists of the past they have the task of clarifying thehistorical roots of political problems, a practice that amounts to theidentification and the integration of the different and often conflicting(35) perspectives pertaining to present day issues. It is neither realistic norreasonable to expect consensus in historiography; as in politics, the most wecan strive for is a sound knowledge of the different points of view, leading to amaximum of empathy and to mutual understanding of past and present positions. Which of the following best states the main point of the passage（）
Behavioral psychologists apprehend that conditioned fear responses to atone previously paired with a shock diminish, if the tone is repeatedly presentedwithout the shock, a process known as extinction. Since Parlor it has beenLine hypothesized that this extinction does not erase conditioning, but forms a new(5) memory. Research has now demonstrated that destruction of the infralimbiccortice blocks recall of fear extinction, indicating that it might store long-termextinction memory. Infralimbic neurons recorded during fear conditioning andextinction fire to the tone only when rats are recalling extinction on thefollowing day, and rats indicating the least fear responses also demonstrate the(10) greatest increase in infralimbic tone responses. Conditioned tones paired withbrief electrical stimulation of infralimbic cortex elicit low fear responses in ratsthat have not undergone extinction. Thus, stimulation resembling extinction-inducedinfralimbic tone responses is able to simulate extinction memory. According to the passage, behavioral psychologists studying the extinction process have discerned which of the following（）
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