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TEXT B Until recently, women in advertisements were one of three things—an apron, a glamorous dress or a frown. Although that is now changing, many women still feel angry enough to deface offending advertisements with stickers protesting, "This ad degrades women." Why does this sort of advertising exist How can advertisers and ad agencies produce, sometimes, after months of research, advertising that offends the consumer The Advertising Standards Authority (the body which deals with complaints about print media) is carrying out a research into how women feel about the way they are portrayed in advertisements. Its conclusions are likely to be what the advertising industry already knows: although women are often irritated by the way they are seen in ads, few feel strongly enough to complain. Women are not the only victims of poor and boring stereotypes—in many TV commercials men are seen either as useless, childish oafs who are unable to perform the simplest household tasks, or as inconsiderate boors, permanently on the lookout for an escape to the pub. But it is women who seem to bear the brunt of the industry’s apparent inability to put people into an authentic present-day context Yet according to Emma Bennett, executive creative director of a London advertising agency, women are not infuriated by stereotypes and sexist advertising. It tends to wash over them, they are not militant or angry—they just find it annoying or tiresome. They reluctantly accept outdated stereotypes, but have a sigh of relief when an advertisement really gets it right. She says that it is not advertising’s use of the housewife role that bothers women, but the way in which it is handled. "Researchers have often asked the wrong questions. The most important thing is the advertisement’s tone of voice. Women hate being patronized, flattered or given desperately down-to-earth commonsense advice." In the end, the responsibility for good advertising must be shared between the advertiser, the advertising agency and the consumer. Advertising does not set trends but it reflects them. It is up to the consumer to tell advertisers where they fail, and until people on the receiving end take the business seriously and make their feelings known, the process of change will remain laboriously slow. Ultimately the advertising industry should
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TEXT C The English language exists in a condition of everlasting danger, its American branch most particularly, assaulted as it is from all sides by those who would reduce it to puzzling and obscure jargon, pop-psychological nonsense and vague beautified words, but it is not without its defenders. Ken Smith, author of Junk English, is the leading figure. He begins with a brief and clear declaration: "Junk English is much more than loose and casual grammar. It is a signal of human weaknesses and cultural license: abandoning the language of the educated yet giving birth to its own serf-glorifying words and phrases, favoring appearance over substance, broadness over precision, and loudness above all. It is sometimes innocent, sometimes lazy, sometimes well intended, but most often it is a trick we play on ourselves to make the unremarkable seem important. Its scope has been widened by politicians, business executives, and the PR and advertising industries in their employ, who use it to spread fog before facts they would rather keep hidden. The result is…a world of humbug in which the more we read and hear, the less we know." Smith is, of course, saying something not true—it is difficult to imagine that Junk English will be noticed, much less read, by those who most could profit from it—but it is an instructive and entertaining instructions and explanation all the same. He tries his hands at all the right places—jargon, clichés, euphemisms and exaggeration—but he doesn’t swing blindly. "Although jargon often sounds ugly to outsiders, it speeds communication within the community that uses it" —and that "clichés, though popular objects of scorn, are useful when they most compactly express an idea; deliberate avoidance of an appropriate cliché sometimes produces even worse writing." In other words, Smith may be passionate but he’s also sensible. In a section about "free-for-all verbs," for example, he acknowledges that "There is no law against inventing one’s own verbs" before citing a few funny instances of what happens when "Things get a little out of hand," i.e. "We’re efforting to work this out" or "She tried to guilt him into returning the money." In the end, though, being sensible about language is in essence trying to insist that words mean what they properly mean and are used accordingly. Thus, for example, Smith insists that "dialogue" and "discussion" are not synonyms and should not be used interchangeably; that "complimentary" does not mean "free"; that "experience" does not mean "feel"; that "facilitate" does not mean "ease"; that "generate" does not mean "produce"; that "lifestyle" does not mean "life". Smith obviously has spent a lot of time making notes about the ways in which we ruin and abuse our language, with results that are impressive in their thoroughness and depressing in their going to far. Occasionally he overlooks the obvious—among euphemisms he mentions "customer care representative" but not "courtesy call," and among the previously mentioned palsy-walsy language he inexplicably overlooks "Your call is important to us" —but then, as he says at the outset, he intended to write a short book and as a result had to leave out many misdeeds. The ones he includes more than do the job. What is meant by "he doesn’t swing blindly" (Line 4, Para. 3)
Decide which of the choices given below would best complete the passage if inserted in the corresponding blanks. Mark the best choice for each blank on your ANSWER SHEET. A scientist who wants to predict the way in which consumers will spend their money must study consumer behavior. He must obtain (31) both on resources of consumers and on the motives that (32) to encourage or discourage money spending. If an (33) were asked which of three groups borrow most—people with rising incomes, (34) incomes, or declining incomes—he would (35) answer: those with declining incomes. Actually, in the past, the answer was: people with rising incomes. People with declining incomes were next and people with stable incomes borrowed the (36) . This shows us that traditional (37) about earning and spending are not always (38) . Another traditional assumption is that if people who have money expect prices to go up, they will (39) to buy. If they expect prices to go down, they will postpone buying. (40) research surveys have shown that this is not always (41) The expectations of price increases may not stimulate buying. One (42) attitude was expressed by the wife of a mechanic at a time of rising prices. Her family had been planning to buy a new car but they postponed this purchase. (43) , the rise in prices that has already taken place may be resented and buyer’s resistance may be evoked. The (44) mentioned above was carried out in America. Investigations (45) at the same time in Great Britain, however, yielded results that were more (46) traditional assumptions about saving and spending patterns. The condition most contributive to spending (47) to be price stability. If prices have been stable and people consider that they are (48) , they are likely to buy. Thus, it appears that the common (49) policy of maintaining stable prices is based on a correct understanding of (50) psychology.
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李天志与妻子朱兰、女儿李梅(11周岁)一家三口住在贫困山村。为脱贫致富，1998年12月李天志分别向邻村人刘江、信用社和复员军人张海各借款1万元，分别写下1万元欠条3张，共计3万元，购买邻村一台旧卡车开始货运业务。1999年1月，在尚未办理各项车辆运输保险的情况下，李天志冒着雪天路滑的危险为村民刘江运货进城，不幸坠人山谷，车毁货损人亡。朱兰得知后，痛不欲生，当晚上吊自杀，留下孤儿李梅。村委会在全权处理李、朱丧事并清查其财产债务后，会同乡民政干部组织召开了一个特别会议，参加人有村委会和乡民政干部、邻村村长、信用社负责人、刘江、张海、李梅和李梅的堂叔李天容。会议形成了一个书面协议，内容是：①朱兰名下存款2000元清偿刘江的货损；②瓦房1间及农具、家庭生活用品约价值1万元，由张海负责处理，折抵其借款1万元；③丧葬费1000元由村委会承担；④欠信用社和邻村人的2万元由李梅在年满18周岁以后5年内还清，但不计利息；⑤李梅今后由其堂叔李天容抚养。参会人员分别签字盖章，李梅也签字同意并加按手印。但李天容虽同意抚养李梅，却提出自己家境过于贫困，难以保证李梅的学习和生活，建议在财产上有所照顾。请回答以下问题： (1)该协议涉及哪些方面的法律问题 (2)你认为本案依法应如何处理
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