题目内容
In 1810 Gall published the neuroanatomist's manual Anatomie,
correlating on three variations in character with variations in external craniological
signs, an approach that depended critical assumptions: that the size
Line and shape of the cranium reflected the size and shape of the underlying portions
(5) of the cerebrum, that mental abilities were innate and fixed, and that the
relative level of development of an innate ability was a reflection of the
inherited size of its cerebral organ. On these assumptions, an observed
correspondence between a particularly well-developed ability and a particularly
prominent area of the cranium could be interpreted as evidence of the functional
(10) localization of that ability in the correlative portion of the cerebrum.
Gall's approach was abandoned in favor of experiment, his conception of
fixed, innate faculties replaced by a dynamic, evolutionary view of mental
development, and his pivotal assumption concerning the relationship of brain to
cranial conformation rejected, but we cannot overestimate his importance in
(15) linking brain activity to specific cerebral anatomy. Gail's assumptions may have
been flawed, but not his scientific logic or rigorous empiricism. In postulating a
set of innate, mental traits inherited through the cerebral organ, Gall admitted
differences in aptitude among individuals and between species and thus deviated
from the tabula rasa view of Condillac.
(20) Even Gall's opponent, Flourens, was willing to admit that it was Gall who
established that the brain serves as the organ of mind. In other respects,
however, Flourens was highly critical of Gall, and soon provided the first
experimental demonstration of localization of function in the brain by employing
ablation to localize a motor center in the front of the brain and motor
(25) coordination in its rear. Although his treatment of sensation was still rather
confused, Flourens articulated a clear distinction between sensation and
perception and localized sensory function within the brain. But with respect to
the cerebrum, a successive slicing through the brain hemispheres produced
diffuse damage to all of the higher mental functions—to perception, intellect,
(30) and will—with the amount of damage varying only with the extent and not the
location of the lesion. Flourens thus concluded that while sensory-motor
functions are differentiated and localized sub-cortically, higher mental functions
such as perception, volition, and intellect are spread throughout the cerebrum,
operating together with the entire cerebrum functioning in a unitary fashion as
(35) their exclusive seat.
As Gall himself observed, ablation was not a method well-suited to the
discovery of cortical localization. Joined to a strong philosophical belief in a
unitary soul and an indivisible mind and an uncritical willingness to generalize
results from lower organisms to humans, Flourens's results led him to
(40) challenge Gall's efforts at localization and to formulate a theory of cerebral
homogeneity wherein, the cerebrum was the organ of a unitary mind which
could not be functionally differentiated to the extent Gall suggested.
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It can be inferred from the passage that the author would MOST likely agree with which of
After the investigations and______that are both necessary and inevitable after a calamity
Despite certain______habits of the North American screech owl, it performs the majority of
Anderson's new theory is controversial for asserting that Britain might
have retained its North American empire had George Ⅲ's ministers proceeded
less precipitously. But as Anderson himself concedes to previous historians like
Line Henvel and Rhimes, there was no indication whether the persistence of imperial
(5) authority would have made much difference for any of the parties involved. At
most, these efforts would have endowed the British government with a
"hollow" empire, wherein the exercise of effective authority would depend on
the consent of the colonists and their representatives. While the grip on their
colonies was questionable, the British had no option but to curtail their
(10) authority, and at no point was the decision to do so more than a temporary
expedient. Once the war in French Canada was resolved, England attempted to
terminate the costly practices of Indian gift giving and to levy new taxation.
Under such circumstances, moreover, Britain would have been able to offer
only limited protections to any of America's other inhabitants, especially the
(15) Indians whose lands in the Ohio Valley were already being encroached upon by a
steady influx of European settlers. In a sense, the Seven Years' War ended up
confirming the "American" character of Britain's North American empire, an
entity over which metropolitan authority had never been more than tenuous.
Anderson's hypothesis concerning French Canada is corroborated both by
(20) the events of the American Revolution, and, less successfully, the
contemporaneous case of India, where the British successfully implemented the
colonial strategy Anderson recommends. As witnessed in Iroquoia, the Mughal
Empire's progressive collapse during the later 1740s and 1750s drew the
British, who had been in India as traders since the early seventeenth century,
(25) ever more deeply into politics on the subcontinent, first as the auxiliaries of
local grandees and eventually as political actors in their own right. When the
East India Company governed in Bengal, it did so by virtue of cleverly acting as
the Mughal Emperor's diwani (a Muslim office roughly analogous to a European
tax farmer). Despite the temptation to act unilaterally, the company's officials
(30) were never ignorant of the fact that they owed their authority to the cooperation
of local elites, who in turn accepted British rule assuming they could employ it
to their own advantage.
Anderson notes that although there were undoubtedly the vast differences
between them, India's experience of British rule during the eighteenth century
(35) points to the same devolution of imperial agency as in America. It is a pattern
Jack P. Greene has identified as "negotiated authority", whereby the unlimited
powers claimed by officials at the empire's center were subject to constant
revision by indigenous brokers on the periphery. Despite the fact that the
Indian colonial possessions were more enduring as a result, Anderson
(40) nevertheless
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