题目内容
The professor talked to American and Brazilian students about lateness in both an informal and a formal situation: lunch with a friend and in a university class, respectively. He gave them an example and asked them how they would (1) if they had a lunch appointment with a friend, the average American student (2) lateness as 19 minutes after the (3) time. On the other hand, the average Brazilian student felt the friend was late after 33 minutes.In an American university., students are expected to arrive at the appointed (4) Classes not only begin, but also end at the (5) time in the United States. In the Brazilian class, only a few students left the class at noon; many (6) past 12:30 to discuss questions. (7) arriving late may not be very important in Brazil, (8) is staying late. The (9) for these differences is complicated. People from Brazilian and North American (10) have different feeling about lateness. In Brazil, the students believe that a person who usually (11) than a person who is always (12) . In fact, ..Brazilians expect a person with (13) or prestige to arrive late, while in the United States lateness is usually (14) disrespectful and unacceptable. (15) , if a Brazilian is late for an appointment with a North American , the American may misinterpret the (16) and become angry.As a result of his study, the professor learned that the Brazilian students were not being (17) to him. Instead, they were simply be having in the (18) way for a Brazilian student in Brazil. Eventually, the professor was able to (19) his own behavior so that he could feel (20) in the new culture. 16（）
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Text 2As the merchant class expanded in the eighteenth - century North American colonies, the silversmith and the coppersmith businesses rose to serve it. Only a few silversmiths were available in New York or Boston in the late seventeenth century, but in the eighteenth - century they could be found in all major colonial cities. No other colonial artisans rivaled the silversmiths’ prestige. They handled the most ex pensive material and possed direct connections to prosperous colonial merchants. Their products, primarily silver plates and bowls, reflected their exalted status and testified to their customers’ prominence.Silver stood as one of the surest ways to store wealth at a time before neighborhood banks existed. Unlike the silver coins from which they were made, silver articles were readily identifiable. Often formed to individual specifications, they always carried the silversmith’ s distinctive markings and consequently could be traced and retrieved.Customers generally secured the silver for the silver objects they ordered. They saved coins, took them to smiths, and discussed the type of pieces they desired. Silversmiths complied with these requests by melting the money in a small furnace, adding a bit of copper to form a stronger alloy, and casting the alloy in rectangular blocks. They hammered these ingots to the appropriate thickness by hand, shaped them, and pressed designs into them for adornment. Engraving was also done by hand. In addition to plates and bowls, some customers sought more intricate products, such as silver teapots. These were made by shaping or casting pans separately and then soldering them together.Colonial coppersmithing also came of age in the early eighteenth century and prospered in northern cities. 12opper’ s ability to conduct heat efficiently and to resist corrosion’ contributed to its attractiveness. But because it was expensive in colonial America, coppersmiths were never very numerous. Virtually all copper worked by smiths was imported as sheets or obtained by recycling old copper goods. Copper was used for practical items, but it was not admired for its beauty. Coppersmiths employed it to fashion pots and kettles for the home. They shaped it in much the same manner as silver or melted it in a foundry with lead or tin. They also mixed it with zinc to make brass for maritime and scientific instruments. In colonial America, where did silversmiths usually obtain the material to make silver articles（）
I like Shakespeares very much, most of which ______ for the screen by now.
Text 3Historians have only recently begun to note the increase in demand for luxury goods and service that took place in eighteenth century England. McKendrick has explored the Wedgwood firm’ s remarkable success in marketing luxury pottery; Plumb has written about the proliferations of provincial theaters, musical festivals, and children’ s toys and books. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: Who were the consumers What were their motives7 And what were the effects of the new demand for luxuriesAn answer to the flint of these has been difficult to obtain. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what. We still need to know how large this consumer market was and how far clown the social scale the consumer demand for luxury goods penetrated. With regard to this last question, we might note in passing that Thompson, while rightly restoring laboring people to the stage of eighteenth century .English history, has probably exaggerated the opposition of these people to the inroads of capitalist consumerism in general: for example, laboring people in eighteenth century England readily shifted from home - brewed beer to standardized beer produced by huge, heavily capitalized urban breweries.To answer the question of why consumers became so eager to buy, some historians have pointed to the ability of manufacturers to advertise in a relatively uncensored press. This, however, hardly seems a sufficient answer. McKendriek favors a Veblen model of conspicuous consumptions stimulated by competition for status. The "middling sort" bought goods and services because they wanted to follow fashions set by the rich. Again, we may wonder whether this explanation is sufficient. Do not people enjoy buying things as a form of self - gratification If so, consumerism could be seen as a product of the rise of new concepts of individualism and materialism, but not necessarily of the frenzy for conspicuous competition .Finally, what were the consequences of this consumer demand for luxuries McKendrick claims that it goes a long way toward explaining the coming of the Industrial Revolution. But does it What for example does the production of high - quality pottery and toys have to do with the development of iron manufacture or textile mills It is perfectly possible to have the psychology and reality of a consumer society without a heavy industrial sector.That future exploration of these key questions is undoubtedly necessary should not, however, diminish the force of the conclusion of re cent studies: the insatiable demand in eighteenth century England for frivolous as well as useful goods and services foreshadows our own world. In the first paragraph, the author mentions McKendrick and Plumb most probably in order to ()
Laurence came out ______ in the speech contest.
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