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案例分析题When I came to the United States, I didn’t speak any English. When anyone asked me something, I always said "Yes." But I really didn’t know what they were saying. Once I went to a large store to buy a mouse (鼠标) for my computer. When I got there, I was worried about the price. At last I found a cheap mouse. I checked the price to make sure of it before I went to the cashier. While I was at the cashier’s, she asked me something. I said, "Yes," even though I didn’t understand what she said. Then she told me what I had to pay. The price was different. I knew something was wrong. But I was afraid to say anything. Later, at home, I thought about what the cashier said to me. What made the price go up Then my husband came home. He looked at the receipt and found out what was wrong. The cashier’s question was, "Would you like a one-year warranty (保修)" and my answer was, "Yes." Since that day, I have never said "Yes" before I understand the question. And I have never paid more than the actual (实际的) price. The writer paid more than the price of the mouse because of the warranty.（）
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案例分析题When I came to the United States, I didn’t speak any English. When anyone asked me something, I always said "Yes." But I really didn’t know what they were saying. Once I went to a large store to buy a mouse (鼠标) for my computer. When I got there, I was worried about the price. At last I found a cheap mouse. I checked the price to make sure of it before I went to the cashier. While I was at the cashier’s, she asked me something. I said, "Yes," even though I didn’t understand what she said. Then she told me what I had to pay. The price was different. I knew something was wrong. But I was afraid to say anything. Later, at home, I thought about what the cashier said to me. What made the price go up Then my husband came home. He looked at the receipt and found out what was wrong. The cashier’s question was, "Would you like a one-year warranty (保修)" and my answer was, "Yes." Since that day, I have never said "Yes" before I understand the question. And I have never paid more than the actual (实际的) price. The writer learned an important lesson from her own story.（）
Ironically, a study finds that we’re awful gift-givers precisely because we spend too much time trying to be considerate.We imagine our friends 46 a gift that is impressive,expensive,and sentimental. We imagine the look of happinessand surprise on their faces and the warmth we feel. 47 .But there’s something thatthe most sentimental-gift-givers tend not to think too much about: 48 the gift is practical in the first place. 49 , practicality seems like an enemy of great gift giving. Beautiful jewelry, lovely watches, perfect rugs, finely crafted kitchen hardware: These things50great gifts because they communicate something beyond practicality. Theycommunicate that the giver cares. But do the receivers care Often,no. "Gift receivers would be 51 ifgivers gave them exactly what they requested 52 . attemptingto be’thoughtful and considerate’ by buying gifts they did not explicitly request" to surprisethem, the researchers write. Their clever paper asks givers and receivers to 53 gifts from two perspectives: desirability (e.g. the cost of a coffee maker) and feasibility(e.g. the 54 of the coffee maker).Across several experiments, theyfind that givers consistently give gifts based on desirability and receivers 55 favor gifts based on feasibility .
When will the dinner party start（）
The changing profile of a city in the United States is apparent in the shifting definitions used by the United States Bureau of the Census. In 1870 the census officially distinguished the nation’s "urban" from its "rural" population for the first time. "Urban population" was defined as persons living in towns of 8,000 inhabitants or more. But after 1900 it meant persons living in incorporated places having 2,500 or more inhabitants. Then, in 1950 the Census Bureau radically changed its definition of "urban" to, take account of the new vagueness of city boundaries. In addition to persons living in incorporated units of 2,500 or more, the census now included those who lived in unincorporated units of that size, and also all persons living in the densely settled urban fringe, including both incorporated and unincorporated areas located around cities of 50, 000 inhabitants or more. Each such unit, conceived as an integrated economic and social unit with a large population nucleus, was named a Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA). Each SMSA would contain at least one central city with 50,000 inhabitants or more or two cities having shared boundaries and constituting, for general economic and social purposes, a single community with a combined population of at least 50,000, the smaller of which must have a population of at least 15,000. Such an area included the country in which the central city is located, and adjacent countries that are found to be metropolitan in character and economically and socially integrated with the country of the central city. By 1970, about two-thirds of the population of the United States was living in these urbanized areas, and of that figure more than half were living outside the central cities. While the Census Bureau and the United States government used the term SMSA (by 1969 there were 233 of them), social scientists were also using new terms to describe the elusive, vaguely defined areas reaching out from what used to be simple "towns" and "cities". A host of terms came into use: "metropolitan regions", "polynucleated population groups", "conurbations", "metropolitan clusters", "megalopolises", and so on. Which of the following is NOT true of an SMSA
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