题目内容

以下描述正确的是( )。

A. 时间观念的含义是指是否守时
B. 在商务交往中,席位的安排最能体现礼仪的细节
C. 文书翻印复制是文书利用的基本方式
D. 特惠关税是发达国家对从发展中国家或地区输入的商品,特别是制成品和半成品,给予的普遍的、非歧视的、非互惠的关税优惠待遇
E. 公众是组织赖以生存的基础,是公共关系活动唯一的对象

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对变革的态度描述中错误的是( )。

A. 欧洲人喜欢新生事物
B. 亚洲地区比较保守
C. 在美国连续在一家公司的一个岗位工作10年表明该人缺乏进取心
D. 受过较高教育的人容易接受变革

Questions 14~17 are based on a radio interview. You now have 20 seconds to read Questions 14~17. Who is the person being interviewed

A. John Nash.
B. Russell Crowe.
C. Nash’s friend.
D. Crowe’s doctor.

Passage 3 During the adolescence, the development of political ideology becomes apparent in the individual: ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills; the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles. The child’s rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge I mean more than the dull "facts" such as the composition of country government, that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade school course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facts of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can "appropriately" demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the "proper" relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naivete that characterizes the younger adolescent’s grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of "facts" but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of which is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done. Yet I do not want to over-emphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology, Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count numbers in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their heads many random hits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information. Children’s minds pick up bits and pieces of data, but until the adolescent has grasped the encompassing function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered. Which of the following statements best describes the organization of the author’s discussion of the role political knowledge in the formation of political ideology during adolescence

A. He acknowledges its importance, but then modifies his initial assertion of that importance.
B. He consistently resists the idea that it is important, using series of examples to support his stand.
C. He wavers in evaluating it and finally uses analogies to explain why he is indecisive.
D. He takes care not to make an initial judgment about it, but later confirms its critical role.

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