题目内容
Drug use is rising dramatically among the nation"s youth after a decade of decline. From 1993 to 1994, marijuana use among young people (1)_____ from 12 to 17 jumped 50 percent. One in five high school seniors (2)_____ marijuana daily. Monitoring the Future, which (3)_____ student drug use annually, reports that negative attitudes about drugs have declined for the fourth year in a row. (4)_____ young people see great risk in using drugs. Mood-altering pharmaceutical drugs are (5)_____ new popularity among young people. Ritalin, (6)_____ as a diet pill in the 1970s and now used to (7)_____ hyperactive children, has become a (8)_____ drug on college campuses. A central nervous system (9)_____, Ritalin can cause strokes, hypertension, and seizures. Rohypnol, produced in Europe as a (10)_____ tranquilizer, lowers inhibitions and suppresses short-term memory, which has led to some women being raped by men they are going out with. (11)_____ taken with alcohol, its effects are greatly (12)_____. Rock singer Kurt Cobain collapsed from an (13)_____ of Rohypnol and champagne a month before he committed (14)_____ in 1994. In Florida and Texas, Rohypnol has become widely abused among teens, who see the drug as a less expensive (15)_____ for marijuana and LSD. Alcohol and tobacco use is increasing among teenagers, (16)_____ younger adolescents. Each year, more than one million teens become regular smokers, (17)_____ they cannot legally purchase tobacco. By 12th grade, one in three students smokes. In 1995, one in five 14-year-olds reported smoking regularly, a 33 percent jump (18)_____ 1991. Drinking among 14-year-olds climbed 50 percent from 1992 to 1994, and all teens reported substantial increases in (19)_____ drinking. In 1995, one in five 10th graders reported having been drunk in the past 30 days. Two-thirds of high school seniors say they know a (20)_____ with a drinking problem.
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Joseph Rykwert entered his field when post-war modernist architecture was coming under fire for its alienating embodiment of outmoded social ideals. Think of the UN building in New York, the city of Brasilia, the UNESCO building in Paris, the blocks of housing "projects" throughout the world. These tall, uniform boxes are set back from the street, isolated by windswept plazas. They look inward to their own functions, presenting no "face" to the inhabitants of the city, no "place" for social interaction. For Mr. Rykwert, who rejects the functionalist spirit of the Athens Charter of 1933, a manifesto for much post-war building, such facelessness destroys the human meaning of the city. Architectural form should not rigidly follow function, but ought to reflect the needs of the social body it represents. Like other forms of representation, architecture is the embodiment of the decisions that go into its making, not the result of impersonal forces, market or history. Therefore, says Mr. Rykwert, adapting Joseph de Maistre"s dictum that a nation has the government it deserves, our cities have the faces they deserve. In this book, Mr. Rykwert. a noted urban historian of anthropological love, offers a flaneur"s approach to the city"s exterior surface rather than an urban history from the conceptual inside out. He does not drive, so his interaction with the city affords him a warts-and-all view with a sensual grasp of what it is to be a "place". His story of urbanization begins, not surprisingly, with the industrial revolution when populations shifted and increased, exacerbating problems of housing and crime. In the 19th century many planning programs and utopias (Ebenezer Howard"s garden city and Charles Fourier"s "phalansteries" among them) were proposed as remedies. These have left their mark on 20th-century cities, as did Baron Hausmann"s boulevards in Paris, Eugene Viollet-le-Duc"s and Owen Jones"s arguments for historical style, and Adolf Loos"s fateful turn-of-the-century call to abolish ornament which, in turn, inspired Le Corbusier"s bare functionalism. The reader will recognize all these ideas in the surfaces of the cities that hosted them: New York, Paris, London, and Vienna. Cities changed again after the Second World War as populations grew, technology raced and prosperity spread. Like it or not, today"s cities are the muddled product, among other things, of speed, greed, outmoded social agendas and ill-suited postmodern aesthetics. Some lament the old city"s death; others welcome its replacement by the electronically driven "global village". Mr. Rykwert has his worries, to be sure, but he does not see ruin or chaos everywhere. He defends the city as a human and social necessity. In Chandigarh, Canberra and New York he sees overall success; in New Delhi, Paris and Shanghai, large areas of falling. For Mr. Rykwert, a man on foot in the age of speeding virtual, good architecture may still show us a face where flaneurs can read the story of their urban setting in familiar metaphors. The author associates the issue of functionism with post-war modernist architecture because
Joseph Rykwert entered his field when post-war modernist architecture was coming under fire for its alienating embodiment of outmoded social ideals. Think of the UN building in New York, the city of Brasilia, the UNESCO building in Paris, the blocks of housing "projects" throughout the world. These tall, uniform boxes are set back from the street, isolated by windswept plazas. They look inward to their own functions, presenting no "face" to the inhabitants of the city, no "place" for social interaction. For Mr. Rykwert, who rejects the functionalist spirit of the Athens Charter of 1933, a manifesto for much post-war building, such facelessness destroys the human meaning of the city. Architectural form should not rigidly follow function, but ought to reflect the needs of the social body it represents. Like other forms of representation, architecture is the embodiment of the decisions that go into its making, not the result of impersonal forces, market or history. Therefore, says Mr. Rykwert, adapting Joseph de Maistre"s dictum that a nation has the government it deserves, our cities have the faces they deserve. In this book, Mr. Rykwert. a noted urban historian of anthropological love, offers a flaneur"s approach to the city"s exterior surface rather than an urban history from the conceptual inside out. He does not drive, so his interaction with the city affords him a warts-and-all view with a sensual grasp of what it is to be a "place". His story of urbanization begins, not surprisingly, with the industrial revolution when populations shifted and increased, exacerbating problems of housing and crime. In the 19th century many planning programs and utopias (Ebenezer Howard"s garden city and Charles Fourier"s "phalansteries" among them) were proposed as remedies. These have left their mark on 20th-century cities, as did Baron Hausmann"s boulevards in Paris, Eugene Viollet-le-Duc"s and Owen Jones"s arguments for historical style, and Adolf Loos"s fateful turn-of-the-century call to abolish ornament which, in turn, inspired Le Corbusier"s bare functionalism. The reader will recognize all these ideas in the surfaces of the cities that hosted them: New York, Paris, London, and Vienna. Cities changed again after the Second World War as populations grew, technology raced and prosperity spread. Like it or not, today"s cities are the muddled product, among other things, of speed, greed, outmoded social agendas and ill-suited postmodern aesthetics. Some lament the old city"s death; others welcome its replacement by the electronically driven "global village". Mr. Rykwert has his worries, to be sure, but he does not see ruin or chaos everywhere. He defends the city as a human and social necessity. In Chandigarh, Canberra and New York he sees overall success; in New Delhi, Paris and Shanghai, large areas of falling. For Mr. Rykwert, a man on foot in the age of speeding virtual, good architecture may still show us a face where flaneurs can read the story of their urban setting in familiar metaphors. The last sentence of the second paragraph implies______.
Joseph Rykwert entered his field when post-war modernist architecture was coming under fire for its alienating embodiment of outmoded social ideals. Think of the UN building in New York, the city of Brasilia, the UNESCO building in Paris, the blocks of housing "projects" throughout the world. These tall, uniform boxes are set back from the street, isolated by windswept plazas. They look inward to their own functions, presenting no "face" to the inhabitants of the city, no "place" for social interaction. For Mr. Rykwert, who rejects the functionalist spirit of the Athens Charter of 1933, a manifesto for much post-war building, such facelessness destroys the human meaning of the city. Architectural form should not rigidly follow function, but ought to reflect the needs of the social body it represents. Like other forms of representation, architecture is the embodiment of the decisions that go into its making, not the result of impersonal forces, market or history. Therefore, says Mr. Rykwert, adapting Joseph de Maistre"s dictum that a nation has the government it deserves, our cities have the faces they deserve. In this book, Mr. Rykwert. a noted urban historian of anthropological love, offers a flaneur"s approach to the city"s exterior surface rather than an urban history from the conceptual inside out. He does not drive, so his interaction with the city affords him a warts-and-all view with a sensual grasp of what it is to be a "place". His story of urbanization begins, not surprisingly, with the industrial revolution when populations shifted and increased, exacerbating problems of housing and crime. In the 19th century many planning programs and utopias (Ebenezer Howard"s garden city and Charles Fourier"s "phalansteries" among them) were proposed as remedies. These have left their mark on 20th-century cities, as did Baron Hausmann"s boulevards in Paris, Eugene Viollet-le-Duc"s and Owen Jones"s arguments for historical style, and Adolf Loos"s fateful turn-of-the-century call to abolish ornament which, in turn, inspired Le Corbusier"s bare functionalism. The reader will recognize all these ideas in the surfaces of the cities that hosted them: New York, Paris, London, and Vienna. Cities changed again after the Second World War as populations grew, technology raced and prosperity spread. Like it or not, today"s cities are the muddled product, among other things, of speed, greed, outmoded social agendas and ill-suited postmodern aesthetics. Some lament the old city"s death; others welcome its replacement by the electronically driven "global village". Mr. Rykwert has his worries, to be sure, but he does not see ruin or chaos everywhere. He defends the city as a human and social necessity. In Chandigarh, Canberra and New York he sees overall success; in New Delhi, Paris and Shanghai, large areas of falling. For Mr. Rykwert, a man on foot in the age of speeding virtual, good architecture may still show us a face where flaneurs can read the story of their urban setting in familiar metaphors. 28 The word "exacerbating"(Para 4) means______.
Joseph Rykwert entered his field when post-war modernist architecture was coming under fire for its alienating embodiment of outmoded social ideals. Think of the UN building in New York, the city of Brasilia, the UNESCO building in Paris, the blocks of housing "projects" throughout the world. These tall, uniform boxes are set back from the street, isolated by windswept plazas. They look inward to their own functions, presenting no "face" to the inhabitants of the city, no "place" for social interaction. For Mr. Rykwert, who rejects the functionalist spirit of the Athens Charter of 1933, a manifesto for much post-war building, such facelessness destroys the human meaning of the city. Architectural form should not rigidly follow function, but ought to reflect the needs of the social body it represents. Like other forms of representation, architecture is the embodiment of the decisions that go into its making, not the result of impersonal forces, market or history. Therefore, says Mr. Rykwert, adapting Joseph de Maistre"s dictum that a nation has the government it deserves, our cities have the faces they deserve. In this book, Mr. Rykwert. a noted urban historian of anthropological love, offers a flaneur"s approach to the city"s exterior surface rather than an urban history from the conceptual inside out. He does not drive, so his interaction with the city affords him a warts-and-all view with a sensual grasp of what it is to be a "place". His story of urbanization begins, not surprisingly, with the industrial revolution when populations shifted and increased, exacerbating problems of housing and crime. In the 19th century many planning programs and utopias (Ebenezer Howard"s garden city and Charles Fourier"s "phalansteries" among them) were proposed as remedies. These have left their mark on 20th-century cities, as did Baron Hausmann"s boulevards in Paris, Eugene Viollet-le-Duc"s and Owen Jones"s arguments for historical style, and Adolf Loos"s fateful turn-of-the-century call to abolish ornament which, in turn, inspired Le Corbusier"s bare functionalism. The reader will recognize all these ideas in the surfaces of the cities that hosted them: New York, Paris, London, and Vienna. Cities changed again after the Second World War as populations grew, technology raced and prosperity spread. Like it or not, today"s cities are the muddled product, among other things, of speed, greed, outmoded social agendas and ill-suited postmodern aesthetics. Some lament the old city"s death; others welcome its replacement by the electronically driven "global village". Mr. Rykwert has his worries, to be sure, but he does not see ruin or chaos everywhere. He defends the city as a human and social necessity. In Chandigarh, Canberra and New York he sees overall success; in New Delhi, Paris and Shanghai, large areas of falling. For Mr. Rykwert, a man on foot in the age of speeding virtual, good architecture may still show us a face where flaneurs can read the story of their urban setting in familiar metaphors. According to Mr. Rykwert, he______.
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