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He was a Canadian, an attorney, he said, still practicing in Winnipeg. But he’d been spending April in Gatlinburg for almost 50 years. He and his wife would come with their son and daughter and explore the mountains on horseback, getting to know every scenic vantage point of Mount Le Conte, every turn in the bumbling Little Pigeon River. After the son Rad died and after the daughter was grown, Mr. B and his wife had kept up their visits. And he still continued to make the annual trek even though his wife had died three years ago. The mountains and the valley were touchstones for him, sites of pleasant memories that were revived with each visit. "I’ve had a love of my own", he said, his eyes misting. He asked detailed questions about our wedding and told us in detail of his own, some 60 year earlier. During brief periods when a conversational lapse threatened, he softly hummed "Hello, Young Lovers", the song from The King and Ⅰ. That night he sat alone during dinner, careful, he later told us, not to "get in love’s way". But he glanced often in our direction, and we knew he was not alone; he was deep in reverie, dining with his own true love.
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TEXT A Bermard Bailyn has recently reinterpreted the early history of the United States by applying new social research findings on the experiences of European migrants. In his reinterpretation, migration becomes the organizing principle for rewriting the history of preindustrial North America. His approach rests on four separate propositions. The first of these asserts that residents of early modern England moved regularly about their countryside; migrating to the New World was simply a "natural spillover". Although at first the colonies held little positive attraction for the English -- they would rather have stayed home -- by the eighteenth century people increasingly migrated to America because they regarded it as the land of opportunity. Secondly, Bailyn holds that, contrary to the notion that used to flourish in American history textbooks, there was never a typical New World community. For example, the economic and demographic character of early New England towns varied considerably. Bailyn’s third proposition suggests two general patterns prevailing among the many thousand migrants: one group came as indentured servants, another came to acquire land. Surprisingly, Bailyn suggests that those who recruited indentured servants were the driving forces of transatlantic migration. These colonial entrepreneurs helped determine the social character of people who came to preindustrial North America. At first, thousands of unskilled laborers were recruited; by the 1730’s, however, American employers demanded skilled artisans. Finally, Bailyn argues that the colonies were a haft-civilized hinterland of the European culture system. He is undoubtedly correct to insist that the colonies were part of an Anglo-American empire. But to divide the empire into English core and colonial perphery, as Bailyn does, devalues the achievements of colonial culture, as Bailyn claims, that high culture in the colonies never matched that in England. But what of seventeenth-century New England, where the settlers created effective laws, built a distinguished university, and published books Bailyn might respond that New England was exceptional. However, the ideas and institutions developed by New England Puritans had powerful effects on North American culture. Although Bailyn goes on to apply his approach to some thousands of indentured servants who migrated just prior to the revolution, he fails to link their experience with the political development of the United States. Evidence presented in his work suggests how we might make such a connection. These indentured servants were treated as slaves for the period during which they had sold their time to American employers. It is not surprising that as soon as they served their time they passed up good wages in the cities and headed west to ensure their personal independence by acquiring land. Thus, it is in the west that a peculiarly American political culture began, among colonists who were suspicious of authority and intensely antiaristocrafic. According to the passage, Bailyn and the author agree on which of the following statements about the culture of colonial New England
Faith Hill was ______.
TEXT E The magnet for tourists, the symbol of the city, Manhattan is probably the most deceptive of the boroughs to outsiders who generally limit themsevles to quick looks at the Theater District around Times Square (moving gingerly past the seediness of 42nd Street west of Broadway), the shopping promenade of Fifth Avenue, the munificence of the temples of finance on and near Wall Street, the eccentricities of bohemian life in the East Village and Soho, the exotica of Chinatown, or the special flavours of Little Italy and Harlem. At first glance, Manhattan is only the city of skyscrapers, glaring lights, and frenzied pace, an island of the strange, the neurotic, and the avantgarde. Crammed into its 23 square miles (57 square kilometres) are more than 1,400,000 residents. Its waterfront, formed by the Harlem, East, and Hudson rivers, is 43 miles (69 Kilometres ) in length, but only scattered groups of slum children swim in the pollution; and the few fisherment find only scanty catches. To the residents of the island, each section is a hometown. Those who live in the West 70s, 80s, and 90s -- the Upper West Side, though streets run above 200 at the northern tip -- know their neighbourhoods as a cosmopolitan mixture of languages, occupations, and income levels. Someone says is the origin of much of the chaos of the party. On the Upper East Side, east of Central Park, is a different mixture, generally more affluent. The Chelsea area of the West 20s, with its tenements, renovated brownstones, and huge cooperatives built by labour unions, has a more sedate pace than the East Village and Soho (derived from "south of Houston Street"), comprising much of the old Lower East Side and containing the city’s major concentration of stuggling writers and artists. Greenwich Village, the old centre of bohemian life, has become a favourite dwelling place for affluent professionals and successful authors and artists. Harlem means more than just tenements, housing projects, and black politics. It means a vibrant street life ranging from sports to stoop seminars, and it is spiced with luxury apartment houses with doormen, inhabited almost entirely by blacks. Yorkville, in the East 80s, retains pockets of Czech, Hungarian, and German cultures in a clash of old tenements and towering luxury apartment houses. The neighbourhood taverns of the Irish proliferate through Inwood at the northernmost part of the island, where the borough of Manhattan spills over the harlem River to encompass an enclave of a few square blocks within mainland Bronx. In Inwood lie manhattan’s few remaining forested acres, and on open recreation areas the Irish keep alive their national sports of hurling and Gaelic football -- much as courts are maintained for bocciball games in Little Italy many miles to the south, On Morningside Heights around Columbia University, the civilities of the academic world overlook the bleak stretches of harlem below and to the east and north. Even fantastic Lower Manhattan, from the Battery, with its ferry slips at the island’s tip, to City Halls, has begun taking on the atmosphere of a neighbourhood. Apartment houses have gone up in the vicinity of City Hall, and the overwhelming skyscraper jungle around Wall Street, which is home to hundreds of financial and insurance institutions and some of the nation’s largest banks, exerts international power. According to this passage, Manhattan is ______.
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