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The fact that blind people can "see" things using other parts of their bodies (31) their eyes may help us to understand our feeling about color. If they can (32) color differences then perhaps we, too, are affected by color unconsciously. By trial and (33) , manufacturers have discovered that sugar (34) badly in green wrappings, that blue foods, are considered (35) and that cosmetics should never be packaged (36) brown. These discoveries have grown into a whole (37) of color psychology that now (38) application in everything from fashion to interior decoration. Some of our (39) are clearly psychological. (40) blue is the color of the night sky and therefore (41) passivity and calmness, while yellow is a day color with associations of energy and incentive. For primitive man, activity during the day meant hunting and attacking, while he saw red as the color of blood and rage and the heat that came with (42) . And green is relevant to passive defense and self-preservation. (43) have shown that colors, partly because of their psychological associations, also have a direct psychological effect. People (44) to bright red show a(n) (45) in heartbeat, and blood pressure; red is exciting. Similar access to pure blue has exactly the opposite effect; it is a (46) color. Because of its exciting of connotations, red was chosen as the (47) for danger, but closer (48) shows that a vivid yellow can produce a more basic state of alertness and alarm, so fire engines and ambulances in some advanced communities are now (49) around in bright yellow colors that (50) the traffic dead.

A. peaceable
B. detached
C. moderate
D. calming

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Since the time of ODJB, jazz became more popular, some jazz band even had musicians with______.

Section A Questions 11 to 18 are based on the conversation you have just heard.

A. Planning holidays.
B. Working in a travel agency.
C. Traveling alone.
D. Flying to New York.

At the fall 2001 Social Science History Association convention in Chicago, the Crime and Justice network sponsored a forum on the history of gun ownership, gun use, and gun violence in the United States. Our purpose was to consider how social science history might contribute to the public debate over gun control and gun rights. To date, we have had little impact on that debate. It has been dominated by mainstream social scientists and historians, especially scholars such as Gary Kleck, John Lott, and Michael Bellesiles, whose work, despite profound flaws, is politically congenial to either opponents or proponents of gun control. Kleck and Mark Gertz, for instance, argue on the basis of their widely cited survey that gun owners prevent numerous crimes each year in the Untied states by using firearms to defend themselves and their property. If their survey respondents are to be believed, American gun owners shot 100,000 criminals in 1994 in self-defense—a preposterous number. Lott claims on the basis of his statistical analysis of recent crime rates that laws allowing private individuals to carry concealed firearms to deter murders, rapes, and robberies, because criminals are afraid to attack potentially armed victims. However, he biases his results by confining his analysis to the year between 1977 and 1992, when violent crime rates had peaked and varied little from year to year. He reports only regression models that support his thesis and neglects to mention that each of those models find a positive relationship between violent crime and real income, and inverse relationship between violent crime and unemployment. Contrary to Kleck and Lott, Bellesiles insists that guns and America’s "gun culture" are responsible for America’s high rate of murder. In Belleville’s opinion, relatively few Americans owned guns before the 1850s or know how to use, maintain, or repair them. As a result, he says, guns contributed little to the homicide rate, especially among Whites, which was low everywhere, even in the South and on the frontier, where historians once assumed gun and murder went hand in hand. According to Bellesiles, these patterns changed dramatically after the Mexican War and especially after the Civil War, when gun ownership became widespread and cultural changes encouraged the use of handguns to command respect and resolve personal and political disputes. The result was an unprecedented wave of gun-related homicides that never truly abated. To this day, the United States has the highest homicide rate of any industrial democracy. Bellesile’s low estimates of gun ownership in early America conflict, however, with those of every historian who has previously studied the subject and has thus far proven irreproducible. Every homicide statistic he presents is either misleading or wrong. Given the influence of Kleck, Lott, Bellesiles and other partisan scholars on the debate over gun control and gun rights, we felt a need to pull together what social science historians have learned to date about the history of gun ownership and gun violence in America, and to consider what research methods and projects might increase our knowledge in the near future. With which of the following will Bellesiles most probably agree

A. Gun control should be tightened.
B. Guns have little to do with murder.
C. Gun culture was the result of high homicide rates in America.
D. The statistics that earlier historians produced of gun ownership is reliable.

Questions 21 to 23 are based on the following news. At the end of the news item, you will be given 15 seconds to answer the questions. Now, listen to the news. The handle of the nanobrush is ______.

A. thicker than a human hair
B. thirty billionths of a meter across
C. a few millionths long
D. relatively smaller than the brush

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