题目内容

关于嗜铬细胞瘤患者术前准备的叙述,不恰当的是

A. 使用α受体阻滞剂时,可同时使用β受体阻滞剂
B. α受体阻断药的应用时间一般应>2周
C. β受体阻断药应常规使用
D. 在用β受体阻断药之前,应先用α受体阻断药

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哪些检查可以帮助鉴别Cushing病和肾上腺皮质腺瘤

A. 血ACTH测定
B. 大剂量地塞米松抑制试验
C. 尿17-羟测定
D. 肾上腺CT

患者在试验过程中出现血压升高达200/120mmHg,心率10次/分,此时的处理是

A. 立即静脉缓慢推注酚妥拉明1~5mg,同时密切观察血压
B. 立即静脉缓慢推注普萘洛尔10mg
C. 哌唑嗪1 mg口服
D. 酚妥拉明10~15mg溶于5%葡萄糖生理盐水500ml中缓慢静脉滴注

最适合于转移性、复发性嗜铬细胞瘤定位诊断的检查方法是

A. MRI
B. CT扫描
C. 24小时尿VMA含量测定
D. 放射性核素标记的间碘苄胍闪烁扫描

On the all-important question of power-the efficacy of power, the morality of power, the desirability of power-American and European perspectives are diverging. 16 Europe is turning away from power, or to put it a little differently, it is moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. It is entering a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity, the realization of Kant’s "Perpetual Peace." The United States, meanwhile, remains indulged in history, exercising power in the anarchic (无政府的) Hobbesian world where intemational laws and rules are unreliable and where true security and the defense and promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might. 17 That is why on major strategic and international questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: They agree on little and understand one another less and less. And this state of affairs is not transitory-the product of one American election or one catastrophic event. The reasons for the transatlantic divide are deep, long in development, and likely to endure. 18 When it comes to setting national priorities, determining thi’eats, defining challenges, and fashioning and implementing foreign and defense policies, the United States and Europe have parted ways. Europeans are more conscious of the growing differences, perhaps because they fear them more. European intellectuals are nearly unanimous in the conviction that Americans and Europeans no longer share a common "strategic culture." The European caricature at its most extreme depicts America’s warlike temperament the natural product of a violent society. 19 But even those who do not make this crude link agree there are profound differences in the way the United States and Europe conduct foreign policy. The United States, they argue, resorts to force more quickly and, compared with Europe, is less patient with diplomacy. Americans generally see the world divided between good and evil, between friends and enemies, while Europeans see a more complex picture. 20 When confronting real or potential adversaries, Americans generally favor policies of coercion rather than persuasion, emphasizing sanctions over inducements to better behavior, the stick over the carrot. Americans tend to seek finality in international affairs: They want problems solved, threats eliminated. And, of course, Americans increasingly tend toward unilateralism in international affairs. They are less inclined to act through international institutions such as the United Nations, less inclined to work cooperatively with other nations to pursue common goals, more skeptical about international law, and more willing to operate outside its strictures.

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