题目内容
Here in the U. S. a project of moving the government a few hundred miles to the southwest proceeds apace, under the supervision of Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia. Apart from the usual highways and parks, Byrd has taken a special interest in transplanting pieces of federal agencies from metropolitan Washington to his home state. Strangely, Byrd’s little experiment in de-Washingtonization has become the focus of outrage among the very people who are otherwise most critical of Washington and its ways. To these critics, it is the very symbol of congressional arrogance of power, isolation from reality, contempt for the voters, and so on, and demonstrates the need for term limits if not lynching. Consider the good-government advantages of (let’s call it) the Byrd Migration. What better way to symbolize an end to the old ways and commitment to reform than physically moving the government What better way to break up old bureaucracies than to uproot and transplant them, files and all Second, spreading the government around a bit ought to reduce that self-feeding and self regarding Beltway culture that Washington-phobes claim to dislike so much. Of course there is a good deal of hypocrisy in this anti-Washington chatter. Much of it comes from politicians and journalists who have spent most of their adult lives in Washington and wouldn’t care to live anywhere else. They are not rushing to West Virginia themselves, except for the occasional quaint rustic weekend. But they can take comfort that public servants at the Bureau of the Public Debt, at least, have escaped the perils of inside-the-Beltway insularity. Third, is Senator Byrd’s raw spread-the-wealth philosophy’ completely illegitimate The Federal Government and government-related private enterprises have made metropolitan Washington one of the richest areas of the country. By contrast, West Virginia is the second poorest state, after Mississippi. The entire country’s taxes support the government. Why shouldn’t more of the country get a piece of it As private businesses are discovering, the electronic revolution is making it less and less necessary for work to be centralized at headquarters. There’s no reason the government shouldn’t take more advantage of this trend as well. It is hardly enough, though, to expel a few thousand midlevel bureaucrats from the alleged Eden inside the Washington Beltway. Really purging the Washington Culture enough to satisfy its noisiest critics will require a mass exodus on the order of what the Khmer Rouge instituted when they took over Phnom Penh in 1975. Until the very members of the TIME Washington bureau itself are traipsing south along 1-95, their word processors strapped to their backs, the nation cannot rest easy. But America’s would-be Khmer Rouge should give Senator Byrd more credit for showing the way. As used in the text, "the alleged Eden" (Para. 6) symbolizes
查看答案
搜索结果不匹配？点我反馈
更多问题
Once the exclusive domain of executives with expense accounts, mobile phones are set to become one of the central technologies of the 21st century. (46) Within a few years, the mobile phone will evolve from a voice-only device to a multi-functional communicator capable of transmitting and receiving not only sound, but video, still images, data and text. A whole new era of personal communication is on the way.Thanks in part to the growth of wireless networks, the telephone is converging with the personal computer and the television. (47) Soon light-weight phones outfitted with high resolution screens--which can be embedded in everything from wristwatches to palm-held units will be connected to series of low orbit satellites enabling people to talk, send and receive E-mail, or take part in video conferences anytime, anywhere. These phones might also absorb many of the key functions of the desktop computer. Mobile devices are expected to be ideal for some of the new personalized services that are becoming available via the Internet.The communications revolution is already taking shape around the globe. In Europe, mall-scale trials are under way using mobile phones for electronic commerce. For example, most phones contain a subscriber identification module (SIM) card that serves primarily to identify a user to the phone network. Some manufacturers plan to upgrade the SIM card to an all-in-one personal identification and credit card. Another approach is to add a slot to mobile phones for a second smart card designed specifically for mobile ecommerce. (48) These cards could be used to make payments over the Internet or removed from the phone for use in point of-sale terminals to pay for things like public transportation, movie tickets or a round of drinks at the bar. In France, Motorola is currently testing a dual slot phone, the Star TACD, in a trial with France Telecom while in Finland Nokia is testing a phone that uses a special plug in reader for a tiny smart card. Siemens is pursuing a different approach. (49) Since it is not very clear whether it’s best to do everything with a single device, Siemens is developing dual slot phones and Einstein, a device equipped with a smart card reader and keypad that can be linked to the phone via infrared wireless technology. (50) For those who want to, though, it will be possible to receive almost all forms of electronic communication through a single device, most likely a three-in-one phone that serves as a cordless at home, a cell phone on the road and an intercom at work. "The mobile phone will become increasingly multifunctional," says Burghardt Schallenberger, vice president for technology and innovation at Siemens Information and Consumer Products. 48
It was a fixing sight: there, in the Capitol itself, a U.S. Senator often mocked for his halting, inarticulate speaking, reached deep into his Midwestern roots and spoke eloquently, even poetically, about who he was and what he believed, stunning politicians and journalists alike. I refer, of course, to Senator Jefferson Smith. In Frank Capra’s classic Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, Jimmy Stewart plays this simple, idealistic small-town American, mocked and scorned by the big-moneyed, oh-so-sophisticated power elite--only to triumph over a corrupt Establishment with his rock-solid goodness. At root, it is this role that soon-to-be-ex-Senator Bob Dole most aspires to play: the self effacing, quietly powerful small-town man from Main Street who outwits the cosmopolitan, slick-talking snob from the fleshpots. And why not There is, after all, no more enduring American icon. How enduring Before Americans had a Constitution, Thomas Jefferson was arguing that the new nation’s future would depend on a base of agrarian yeomen free from the vices inherent in big cities. In 1840 one of the classic, image-driven presidential campaigns featured William Henry Harrison as the embodiment of rural virtues, the candidate of the log cabin and hard cider, defeating the incumbent Martin Van Buren, who was accused of dandified dress and manners. There is, of course, a huge disconnect between this professed love of the simple, unspoiled life and the way Americans actually live. As a people, Americans have spent the better part of the 20th century deserting the farms and the small towns for the cities and the suburbs; and are torn between vacationing in Disney World and Las Vegas. U.S. politicians too haven’t exactly shunned the temptations of the cosmopolitan life. The town of Russell, Kansas, often seems to be Dole’s running mate, but the candidate spends his leisure time in a luxury condominium in Bal Harbor, Florida. Bill Clinton still believes in a place called Hope, but the spiffy, celebrity-dense resorts of Martha’s Vineyard and Jackson Hole are where he kicks back. Ronald Reagan embodied the faith-and-family pieties of the front porch and Main Street, but he fled Iowa for a career and a life in Hollywood. Still, the hunger for the way Americans believe they are supposed to live is strong, and the distrust of the intellectual hustler with his airs and his high-flown language runs deep. It makes sense for the Dole campaign to make this a contest between Dole as the laconic, quiet man whose words can be trusted and Bill Clinton as the traveling salesman with a line of smooth patter but a suitcase full of damaged goods. It makes sense for Dole to make his campaign song Thank God I’m a Country Boy--even if he is humming it 9,200 m up in a corporate jet on his way to a Florida condo. We learn from the very beginning of the text that politicians and journalists may feel
Analysts have their go at humor, and I have read some of this interpretative literature, (1) without being greatly instructed. Humor can be (2) , (3) a frog can, but the thing dies in the process and the innards are (4) to any but the pure scientific mind.One of the things (5) said about humorists is that they are really very sad ’people clowns with a breaking heart. There is some truth in it, but it is badly (6) . It would be more (7) , I think, to say that there is a deep vein of melancholy running through everyone’s life and that the humorist, perhaps more (8) of it than some others, compensates for it actively and (9) Humorists fatten on troubles. They have always made trouble (10) They struggle along with a good will and endure pain (11) , knowing how well it will (12) them in the sweet by and by. You find them wrestling with foreign languages, fighting folding ironing hoards and’ swollen drainpipes, suffering the terrible (13) of tight boots. They pour out their sorrows profitably, in a (14) of what is not quite fiction nor quite fact either. Beneath the sparking surface of these dilemmas flows the strong (15) of human woe.Practically everyone is a manic depressive of sorts, with his up moments and his down moments, and you certainly don’t have to be a humorist to (16) the sadness of situation and mood. But there is often a rather fine line between laughing and crying, and if a humorous piece of writing brings a person to the point (17) his emotional responses are untrustworthy and seem likely to break over into the opposite realm, it is (18) humor, like poetry, has an extra content, it plays (19) to the big hot fire which is Truth, and sometimes the reader feels the (20) . 9（）
It was a fixing sight: there, in the Capitol itself, a U.S. Senator often mocked for his halting, inarticulate speaking, reached deep into his Midwestern roots and spoke eloquently, even poetically, about who he was and what he believed, stunning politicians and journalists alike. I refer, of course, to Senator Jefferson Smith. In Frank Capra’s classic Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, Jimmy Stewart plays this simple, idealistic small-town American, mocked and scorned by the big-moneyed, oh-so-sophisticated power elite--only to triumph over a corrupt Establishment with his rock-solid goodness. At root, it is this role that soon-to-be-ex-Senator Bob Dole most aspires to play: the self effacing, quietly powerful small-town man from Main Street who outwits the cosmopolitan, slick-talking snob from the fleshpots. And why not There is, after all, no more enduring American icon. How enduring Before Americans had a Constitution, Thomas Jefferson was arguing that the new nation’s future would depend on a base of agrarian yeomen free from the vices inherent in big cities. In 1840 one of the classic, image-driven presidential campaigns featured William Henry Harrison as the embodiment of rural virtues, the candidate of the log cabin and hard cider, defeating the incumbent Martin Van Buren, who was accused of dandified dress and manners. There is, of course, a huge disconnect between this professed love of the simple, unspoiled life and the way Americans actually live. As a people, Americans have spent the better part of the 20th century deserting the farms and the small towns for the cities and the suburbs; and are torn between vacationing in Disney World and Las Vegas. U.S. politicians too haven’t exactly shunned the temptations of the cosmopolitan life. The town of Russell, Kansas, often seems to be Dole’s running mate, but the candidate spends his leisure time in a luxury condominium in Bal Harbor, Florida. Bill Clinton still believes in a place called Hope, but the spiffy, celebrity-dense resorts of Martha’s Vineyard and Jackson Hole are where he kicks back. Ronald Reagan embodied the faith-and-family pieties of the front porch and Main Street, but he fled Iowa for a career and a life in Hollywood. Still, the hunger for the way Americans believe they are supposed to live is strong, and the distrust of the intellectual hustler with his airs and his high-flown language runs deep. It makes sense for the Dole campaign to make this a contest between Dole as the laconic, quiet man whose words can be trusted and Bill Clinton as the traveling salesman with a line of smooth patter but a suitcase full of damaged goods. It makes sense for Dole to make his campaign song Thank God I’m a Country Boy--even if he is humming it 9,200 m up in a corporate jet on his way to a Florida condo. We can learn from the text that Americans have a history of
微信支付 
支付宝支付