题目内容
阅读下面文段，完成文后问题。吾貌虽瘦，天下必肥“吾貌虽瘦，天下必肥”这句话，通俗易懂，可其所含的意思却十分深邃。说其是警世格言，世世代代为座右铭；说其是做人的哲理，个中的真善美的确意味深长；说其是言简意赅的号召，由其激发的辐射力、凝聚力着实难以量计。“吾貌虽瘦”，从字面上理解，刻画的是主体一方在形体上“衣带渐宽”的实况，而从这句话的实质意义上讲，大都反映的是自我约束、自觉奉献之后在个人既得利益上的某种损失。方志敏的清贫是一种廉洁奉公意义上的“瘦”，张思德的安于烧炭是一种不计名利意义上的“瘦”；白求恩、焦裕禄以身殉职更是一种献身意义上的、被人们引为骄傲的“瘦”，等等。这类安于“吾貌虽瘦”的举止，源于追求“天下必肥”的高尚境界。他们深知没有一个心甘情愿的“吾瘦”，已得的“天下必肥”可能丧失，欲取得的“天下必肥”，很可能是海市蜃楼；没有一批批“吾瘦”榜样的带动，即“从我做起”，便难以形成以“吾瘦”为荣的浩然社会正气，“天下必肥”亦难达到预期的目的。“吾瘦”引发的反馈力巨大，正如陈毅诗云：“民当敬清贤。”这里指的“清贤”乃“吾瘦”，由于“敬”出自民众之肺腑，融会“鱼水情”，“吾瘦”者的感召必能换得硕大动能回报，为“天下必肥”竭尽全力。 文中画线句子的含义是（）。
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Within hours of appearing on television to announce the end of conscription, President Jacques Chirac moved quickly to prevent any dissent from within the military establishment. Addressing more than 500 military staff officers at the military academy in Paris yesterday, Mr. Chirac said clearly that he "expected" their loyalty in the work of rebuilding France’s national defense.He understood their "legitimate concerns, questions and emotions" at the reforms, but added. "You must understand that there is not and never has been any rigid model for French defense. Military service has been compulsory for less than a century. Realism required that our armed forces should now be professional."The president’s decision to abolish conscription over a period of six years removes a rite of passage for young Frenchmen that has existed since the Revolution, even though obligatory national service only became law in 1905. As recently as 1993, an opinion poll showed that more than 60% of French people said they feared the abolition of conscription could endanger national security. A poll conducted this month, however, showed that 70% of those asked favored ending of practice, and on the streets and in offices yesterday, the response to Mr. Chirac’s announcement was generally positive.Among people who completed their 10-month period of national service in the last few years or were contemplating the prospect, there was almost universal approval, tempered by a sense that something hard to define--mixing with people from other backgrounds, a formative experience, a process that encouraged national or social cohesion--might be lost.Patrick, who spent his year in the French city of Valance assigning and collecting uniforms, and is now a computer manager, said he was in tears for his first week, and hated most of his time. He thought it was "useless" as a form of military training-- "I only fired a rifle twice"--but, in retrospect, useful for learning how to get on with people and instilling patriotism.As many as 25% of those liable for military service in France somehow avoid it--the percentage is probably much greater in the more educated and higher social classes.According to Geoffroy, a 26-year-old reporter, who spent his time in the navy with the information office in central Paris, the injustice is a good reason for abolishing it. People with money or connections, he said, can get well-paid assignments abroad. "It’s not fair: some do it, some don’t."Several expressed support for the idea of a new socially-oriented voluntary service that would be open to both men and women. But the idea seemed less popular among women. At present, women have the option of voluntary service and a small number choose to take it. Which of the following would be the best title for this passage（）
"Before, we were too black to be white. Now, we’re too white to be black." Hadija, one of South Africa’s 3.5m Coloured (mixed race) people, sells lace curtains at a street market in a bleak township outside Cape Town. In 1966 she and her family were driven out of District Six, in central Cape Town, by an apartheid government that wanted the area for whites. Most of the old houses and shops were bulldozed but a Methodist church, escaping demolition, has been turned into a little museum, with and old street plan stretched across the floor. On it, families have identified their old houses, writing names and memories in bright felt-tip pen. "We can forgive, but not forget," says one.Up to a point. In the old days, trampled on by whites, they were made to accept a second-class life of scant privileges as a grim reward for being lighter-skinned than the third-class blacks. Today, they feel trampled on by the black majority. The white-led National Party; which still governs the Western Cape, the province where some 80% of Coloureds live, plays on this fear to good electoral effect. With no apparent irony, the party also appeals to the Coloured sense of common culture with fellow Afrikaans-speaking whites, a link the Nats have spent decades denying.This curious courtship is again in full swing. A municipal election is to be held in the province on May 29th and the Nats need the Coloured vote if they are to win many local councils.By most measures, Coloureds are still better-off than blacks. Their jobless rate is high, 21% according to the most recent figures available. But the black rate is 38%. Their average yearly income is still more than twice that of blacks. But politics turns on fears and aspirations. Most Coloureds fret that affirmative action, the promotion of non-whites into government-related jobs, is leaving them behind. Affirmative action is supposed to help Coloureds (and Indians) too. It often does not. They may get left off a shortlist because, for instance, a job requires the applicant to speak a black African language, such as Xhosa.Some Coloureds think that the only way they will improve their lot is to launch their own, ethnically based, political parties, last year a group formed the Kleurling Weerstandsbeweging, or Coloured Resistance Movement. But in-fighting caused this to crumble: some members wanted it to promote Goloured interests and culture; others to press for an exclusive "homeland".In fact, the coloureds’ sense of collective identity is undefined, largely imposed by apartheid’s twisted logic. They are descended from a mix of races, including the Khoi and San (two indigenous African peoples), Malay slaves imported by the Dutch, and white European settlers. And though they do indeed share much with Afrikaners-many belong to the Dutch Reformed Church and many speak Afrikaans-others speak English or are Muslim or worship spirits.Under apartheid, being Coloured became something to try to escape from. Many tried to pass as white; some succeeded in getting "reclassified". Aspiring to whiteness and fearful of blackness, their identity is hesitant, even defensive. Many Coloureds feel most sure about what they are not: they vigorously resist any attempt to use the term "black" to embrace all nonwhite people. "My people are terrible racists, but not by choice," says Joe Marks, a Coloured member of the Western Cape parliament. "The blacks today have the political power, the whites have economic power. We just have anger. It is implied in the passage that（）
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