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It was an early September day, cool and bright for running, and I was in the first few miles of a 10.5-mile race over a course through steep, exhausting hills. Still, I felt rested and springy; despite the hills it was going to be a fine run. Just ahead of me was Peggy Mimno, a teacher from Mount Kisco, New York. She too was running easily, moving along efficiently at my speed. The pace felt comfortable, so I decided to stay where I was; why bother concentrating on pace when she was setting such a nice one I’d overtake her later on when she was tired. So I was running behind her. The course headed north for five miles, wandered west for a hilly mile, then turned south again along a winding road. The race was getting tougher. We had four miles left and already it was beginning to be real work. I was breathing hard, and my legs were turning to mush. Peggy overtook a young male runner. Apparently she knew him, for they exchanged a few cheerful words as she passed him. Their exchange worried me. You don’t chat during a race unless you are feeling good, and Peggy plainly was. There was still a noticeable bounce in her stride, but whatever resilience I’d once possessed had long since left me. Still, I was close enough to overtake her if she tired, so I didn’t give up hope completely. We were approaching a long, punishing hill now and it would be the test. We were a mile from the finish line, so whatever happened on the hill would almost certainly determine who crossed it first. As I moved up the hill, working hard, my attention wandered for a few minutes. When I looked up, Peggy was moving away--first five yards, then ten, then it was clear that there was no hope of catching her. She beat me decisively. There is an important lesson in that race. Much of what you read about running makes a sharp distinction between the sexes. Women are assumed to be weaker slower and not nearly as adept athletically. Yet as Peggy Mimno so clearly demonstrated, the similarities between male and female runners are more important than the differences. I have run with a number of women, both in training and in competition, and I can testify that it is often hard work. The important lesson the narrator has learned from that race is that
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Researchers at the University of Toronto have taken important steps toward producing a profile of an abusive parent. Prof. Gary Walters and doctoral student Lynn Oldershaw of the Department of Psychology have developed a system to characterize parents who physically abuse their children. This could ultimately allow social service professionals to identify parents in child abuse. Over the last five years, Walters and Oldershaw, in collaboration with Darlene Hall of the West End Creche, have examined over 100 mothers and their three-to-six-year-old children who have been physically abused. In the laboratory, the mother and child spend 30 minutes in structured activities such as playing, eating and cleaning-up. The family interaction is videotaped and later analyzed. The researchers have developed a system, which allows them to record the effectiveness of parenting skills. They are particularly interested in disciplinary strategies because abuse most commonly occurs when the parent wants the child to comply. "It’s a question of trying to determine which type of parent produces which type of child or which type of child elicits which type of parental behavior," explains Oldershaw. As a result of their work, Walters and Oldershaw have identified distinct categories of abusive parents and their children. "Harsh / Intrusive" mothers are excessively harsh and constantly badger their child to behave. Despite the fact that these mothers humiliate and disapprove of their child, there are times when they hug, kiss or speak to them warmly. This type of mothering produces an aggressive, disobedient child. A "covert / hostile" mother shows no positive feelings towards her child. She makes blatant (明显的) attacks on the child’s self-worth and denies him affection or attention. For his part, the child tries to engage his mother’s attention and win her approval. An "emotionally detached" mother has very little involvement with her child. She appears depressed and uninterested in the child’s activities. The child of this type of mother displays no characteristics that set him apart from other children. In order to put together a parenting profile, the two researchers examine the mother / child interaction and their perception and feelings. Abusive parents are often believed to have inadequate parenting skills and are referred to programs to improve these skills. These programs are particularly appropriate for parents who, themselves, were raised by abusive parents and as a result are ignorant of any other behavior toward her child. One of the goals of the psychologists is to provide information to therapists which will help tailor therapy to the individual needs of the abusive parents. The findings about the three types of abusive parents are used to support the statement that
某甲因盗窃正在使用中的通信电缆被法院以破坏公用电信设施罪判处有期徒刑三年。某甲对判决不服并提出上诉。他认为自己的行为属盗窃行为，但所盗电缆的价值不足200元，达不到盗窃罪的立案标准，因此不能构成犯罪，一审法院不按盗窃罪而是按危害公共安全罪追究他的刑事责任是适用法律错误。 请运用法理学知识分析一审法院在适用法律方面是否存在错误。
每题所给的选项中有一个或一个以上正确答案 甲系某国有公司经理。生意人乙见甲掌管巨额资金，就以小恩小惠拉拢甲。后乙以做生意需要资金为由，劝诱甲出借公款，并与甲共同策划了挪用的方式，还送给甲好处费5万元。甲未经公司董事会决定就将100万元资金借给乙。乙得到巨款以后，告知银行职员丙该款的真实来源，丙为乙提供资金账户，乙随时提款用于贩卖毒品。在甲的催促下，一年后，乙归还30万元，后来就拒绝和甲见面。甲见追回剩余70万元无望，就携带乙归还的30万元潜逃。甲半年内将30万元挥霍一空，走投无路后向司法机关投案，并交代了借公款给乙、接受乙贿赂和携款潜逃的事实，并提供线索协助司法机关将乙捉拿归案。乙归案后主动交待了行贿和司法机关尚未掌握的贩卖毒品的犯罪事实。请回答下题。 关于甲的犯罪行为，下列说法正确的是：( )
Archaeology has long been an accepted tool for studying prehistoric cultures. Relatively recently the same techniques have been systematically applied to studies of the more immediate past. This has been called "historical archaeology," a term that is used in the United States to refer to any archaeological investigation into North American sites that postdate the arrival of Europeans. Back in the 1930’s and 1940’s, when building restoration was popular, historical archaeology was primarily a tool of architectural reconstruction. The role of archaeologists was to find the foundations of historic buildings and then take a back seat to architects. The mania for reconstruction had largely subsided by the 1950’s and 1960’s. Most people entering historical archaeology during this period came out of university anthropology departments, where they had studied prehistoric cultures. They were, by training, social scientists not historians, and their work tended to reflect this bias. The questions they framed and the techniques they used were designed to help them understand, as scientists, how people behaved. But because they were treading on historical ground for which there was often extensive written documentation and because their own knowledge of these periods was usually limited, their contributions to American history remained circumscribed. Their reports, highly technical and sometimes poorly written, went unread. More recently, professional archaeologists have taken over. These researchers have sought to demonstrate that their work can be a valuable tool not only of science but also of history, providing fresh insights into the daily lives of ordinary people whose existences might not otherwise be so well documented. This newer emphasis on archaeology as social history has shown great promise, and indeed work done in this area has led to a reinterpretation of the United States’ past. In Kingston, New York, for example, evidence has been uncovered that indicates that English goods were being smuggled into that city at a time when the Dutch supposedly controlled trading in the area. And in Sacramento an excavation at the site of a fashionable nineteenth-century hotel revealed that garbage had been stashed in the building’s basement despite sanitation laws to the contrary. In the third paragraph, the author implies that the techniques of history and the techniques of social science are
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