In his 1979 book, The Sinking Ark, biologist Norman Myers estimated that (1)_____ of more than 100 human-caused extinctions occur each day, and that one million species (2)_____ by the century"s end. Yet there is little evidence of (3)_____ that number of extinctions. For example, only seven species on the (4)_____ species list have become extinct (5)_____ the list was created in 1973. Bio (6)_____ is an important value, according to many scientists. Nevertheless, the supposed mass extinction rates bandied about are (7)_____ by multiplying (8)_____ by improbables to get imponderables. Many estimates, for instance, rely a great deal on a "species-area (9)_____", which predicts that twice as many species will be found on 100 square miles (10)_____ on ten square miles. The problem is that species am not distributed (11)_____, so how much of a forest am destroyed may be as important as (12)_____. (13)_____, says Ariel Lugo, director of the International Institute of Tropical Forestry in Puerto Rico, "Biologists who predict high (14)_____ rates (15)_____ the resiliency of nature". One of the main muses of extinctions is deforestation. According to the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, what destroys tropical trees is not commercial logging, (16)_____ "poor farmers who have no other (17)_____ for feeding their families than slashing and burning a (18)_____ of forest". In countries that practice modern (19)_____ agriculture, forests are in (20)_____ danger. In 1920, U.S. forests covered 732 million acres. Today they cover 737 million.
A. anywhere near
B. somewhere near
C. anytime when
D. something like
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The uniqueness of the Japanese character is the result of two seemingly contradictory forces: the strength of traditions, and the selective receptivity to foreign achievements and inventions. As early as 1860s there were counter movement to traditional orientation. One of the fan, us spokesmen of Japan"s "Enlightenment" claimed "the Confucian civilization of the East seems to me to lack two things possessed by Western civilization: science in the material sphere and a sense of independence in the spiritual sphere." Another break of relative liberalism followed World War I, when the democratic idealism of President Woodrow Wilson had an important impact on Japanese intellectuals and, especially, students; but more important was the Leninist ideology of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Again, in the early 1930s, nationalism and militarism became dominant. Following the end of World War Ⅱ, substantial changes were undertaken in Japan to liberate the individual from authoritarian restraints. The new democratic value system was accepted by many teachers, students, intellectuals, and old liberals, but it was not immediately embraced by the society as a whole. Japanese traditions were dominated by group values, and notions of personal freedom and individual rights were unfamiliar. Today, democratic processes are clearly evident in the widespread participation of the Japanese people in social and political life. School textbooks emphasize equality over hierarchy and rationalism over tradition; but in practice these values are often misinterpreted and distorted, particularly by the youth who translate the individualistic and humanistic goals of democracy into egoistic and materialistic ones. Most Japanese people have consciously rejected Confucianism, but leftovers of the old order remain. An important feature of relationship in many institutions, including political parties and universities is the "oyabun-kobun" or parent-child relation. The corresponding loyalty of the individual to his patron reinforces his allegiance to the group to which they both belong. A willingness to cooperate with other members of the group and to support without qualification the interests of the group in all its external relations is still a widely respected virtue. The "oyabun-kobun" creates ladders of mobility which an individual can ascend, rising as far as abilities permit, so long as he maintains successful personal ties with a superior in the vertical channel, the latter requirement usually taking precedence over a need for exceptional competence. As a consequence, there is little horizontal relationship between people even with the same profession. Which of the following statement of the Japan"s culture is true according to the passage
A. Substantial changes occurred in democratic process at the end of World War Ⅱ.
B. The democratic idea was accepted immediately by the whole society after the World War Ⅱ.
C. Nowadays the Confucianism outweighs the new value system in Japan.
D. Today the Confucianism is a functioning part of the Japanese society.
In most people"s mind, growth is associated with prosperity. We judge how well the economy is doing by the size of the Gross National Product (GNP), a measure, supposedly, of growth. Equally axiomatic, however, is the notion that increased pressure on declining natural resources must inevitably lead to a decline in prosperity, especially when accompanied by a growth in population. So, which is correct What growth advocates mean, primarily, when they say growth is necessary for prosperity is that growth is necessary for the smooth functioning of the economic system. In one field the argument in favor of growth is particularly compelling and that is with regard to the Third World. To argue against growth in light of Third World poverty and degradation seems unsympathetic. But is it Could it be that growth, especially the growth of the wealthier countries, has contributed to the impoverishment, not the advancement, of Third World countries If not, how do we account for the desperate straits these countries find themselves in today after a century of dedication to growth To see how this might be the case we must look at the impact of growth on Third World countries—the reality, not the abstract stages-of-economic-growth theory advocated through rose-colored glasses by academicians of the developed world. What good is growth to the people of the Third World if it means the conversion of peasant farms into mechanized agri-businesses producing commodities not for local consumption but for export, if it means the stripping of their land of its mineral and other natural treasures to the benefit of foreign investors and a handful of their local collaborators, if it means the assumption of a crushing foreign indebtedness Admittedly, this is an oversimplification. But the point, I believe, remains valid: that growth in underdeveloped countries cannot simply be judged in the abstract; it must be judged based on the true nature of growth in these societies, on who benefits and who is harmed, on where growth is leading these people and where it has left them. When considered in this way, it just might be that in the pre sent context growth is more detrimental to the well-being of the wretched of the earth than beneficial. So, do we need growth for prosperity Only the adoption of zero growth can provide the answer. But that is a test not easily undertaken. Modern economies are incredibly complex phenomena, a tribute to man"s ability to organize and a challenge to his ability to understand. Anything that affects their functioning, such as a policy of zero growth, should not be proposed without a wary carefulness and self-doubting humility. But if the prospect of leaping into the economic unknown is fear-inspiring, equally so is the prospect of letting that fear prevent us from acting when the failure to act could mean untold misery for future generations and perhaps environmental disaster which threaten our very existence. 21 Which of the following statements does the author agree with
A. Gross National Product is a safe measure for economic growth.
B. Increasing natural resources will bring social well-being.
C. Prosperity decline mostly accompanied by population growth.
D. Growth does not necessarily result in prosperity.
In most people"s mind, growth is associated with prosperity. We judge how well the economy is doing by the size of the Gross National Product (GNP), a measure, supposedly, of growth. Equally axiomatic, however, is the notion that increased pressure on declining natural resources must inevitably lead to a decline in prosperity, especially when accompanied by a growth in population. So, which is correct What growth advocates mean, primarily, when they say growth is necessary for prosperity is that growth is necessary for the smooth functioning of the economic system. In one field the argument in favor of growth is particularly compelling and that is with regard to the Third World. To argue against growth in light of Third World poverty and degradation seems unsympathetic. But is it Could it be that growth, especially the growth of the wealthier countries, has contributed to the impoverishment, not the advancement, of Third World countries If not, how do we account for the desperate straits these countries find themselves in today after a century of dedication to growth To see how this might be the case we must look at the impact of growth on Third World countries—the reality, not the abstract stages-of-economic-growth theory advocated through rose-colored glasses by academicians of the developed world. What good is growth to the people of the Third World if it means the conversion of peasant farms into mechanized agri-businesses producing commodities not for local consumption but for export, if it means the stripping of their land of its mineral and other natural treasures to the benefit of foreign investors and a handful of their local collaborators, if it means the assumption of a crushing foreign indebtedness Admittedly, this is an oversimplification. But the point, I believe, remains valid: that growth in underdeveloped countries cannot simply be judged in the abstract; it must be judged based on the true nature of growth in these societies, on who benefits and who is harmed, on where growth is leading these people and where it has left them. When considered in this way, it just might be that in the pre sent context growth is more detrimental to the well-being of the wretched of the earth than beneficial. So, do we need growth for prosperity Only the adoption of zero growth can provide the answer. But that is a test not easily undertaken. Modern economies are incredibly complex phenomena, a tribute to man"s ability to organize and a challenge to his ability to understand. Anything that affects their functioning, such as a policy of zero growth, should not be proposed without a wary carefulness and self-doubting humility. But if the prospect of leaping into the economic unknown is fear-inspiring, equally so is the prospect of letting that fear prevent us from acting when the failure to act could mean untold misery for future generations and perhaps environmental disaster which threaten our very existence. The author seem to believe that prosperity
A. won"t be achieved without economic growth.
B. can only be achieved with economic growth.
C. can be achieved without the participation of the wealthy countries.
D. will be achieved by selling farm produce in local market.
已知a1,a2,a3,a4,a5是满足条件a1+a2+a3+a4+a5=一7的不同整数,b是关于x的一元五次方程(x-a1)(x-a2)(x-a3)(x-a4)(x-a5)=1773的整数根,则b的值为( ).
A. 15
B. 17
C. 25
D. 36
E. 38